China
Ping-pong diplomacy: Australian table tennis players return to China, five decades after historic tour
Two original members of Australia’s 1971 ping-pong diplomacy team return to Beijing, celebrating 50 years of bilateral relations initiated by their historic visit, fostering enduring cultural and diplomatic ties.
This week, two of the original members of Australia’s 1971 “ping-pong diplomacy” team are returning to Beijing to mark the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the two nations.
Half a century ago, few could foresee that a spur-of-the-moment, unscheduled visit by a young Australian sports team would lead to one of Australia’s most important – and sometimes turbulent – bilateral relations.
Only weeks after the team’s headline-making tour, Australia’s then opposition leader, Gough Whitlam, led a delegation to Beijing promising to open diplomatic relations “when elected”.
Whitlam delivered on that promise in 1972. Three weeks after taking office as Australia’s 21st prime minister, his government reached an agreement with the People’s Republic of China on the establishment of diplomatic relations. The following year, Australia’s first embassy in Beijing opened with the appointment of Stephen FitzGerald as the first ambassador.
As FitzGerald recounted on my podcast, The Ticket, this week:
The Chinese have a big love of sport, as do Australians. At one stage they used to talk about the three great balls. One was table tennis, one was basketball and one was volleyball.
Former coach Noel Shorter, former player Paul Pinkewich and former Australian ambassador to China Stephen FitzGerald.
Tracey Holmes
‘A crowd of 8,000 people’
The 1971 ping-pong tour wasn’t the first time sport was used as a diplomatic tool, but it was perhaps one of the most successful of the Cold War period, with long-term benefits.
After competing in the Table Tennis World Championships in Japan in late March 1971, Australian and American table tennis players were invited to travel to China by the country’s first premier, Zhou Enlai. A revolutionary who became one of China’s most revered statesmen, he advocated peaceful co-existence with the West and other nations.
The American team embarked on their tour first – setting the stage for then-President Richard Nixon’s famous visit to Beijing in 1972. The Australians made their trip to China a couple weeks later.
Read more:
50 years after Gough Whitlam established diplomatic relations with China, what has changed?
Paul Pinkewich had just turned 20 at the time of the visit, teammate Steve Knapp was only 18. Now in their 70s, they will return to Beijing for a function at the Australian embassy today and share a meal with some of the Chinese players they competed against.
Pinkewich is taking his table tennis paddle with him in case he can get in a few matches with his old rivals.
“We had three great matches in China. You know, we’re used to 20 to 50 people in Australia watching tournaments. Our first match in Canton, now Guangzhou, I think it was a crowd of 8,000 people,” he recalls.
“There’s this one table in the stadium and we went out there, we actually had a win. We won 5-4. It was fantastic.
“I think friendship was more important than competition.”
The Australians suffered a narrow defeat in the second match in Shanghai. The third and final match was played in the Chinese capital. At the May Day celebrations that followed, the team was invited to the Great Hall of the People to meet Zhou.
According to the Sun-Herald report from the journalist travelling with the team, the premier asked Knapp about his long hair and sideburns.
“Do you wear this hair because of your disagreement with society or because it is a style?”
Knapp replied, “It is the fashion.”
The Sun-Herald’s front-page story on the team’s visit.
Author provided
Pinkewich says he will never forget the sound of the crowds during the tour.
“Can you believe, one table in the middle of the Capital Stadium [in Beijing] with 18,000 spectators, and that was just an amazing experience. We got trounced 8-1 that night. But they always let the woman win.”
That woman was Anne Middleton, the other player on the 1971 tour, who has since passed away.
Leading the delegation were the then-president of Table Tennis Australia, John Jackson, who is now deceased, and coach Noel Shorter, who at 85 is not making this week’s commemorative trip.
Shorter remembers getting everything packed up from their coaching clinic in Tokyo with only four hours’ notice after being told there had been a change of plans and the team was heading later that day to China.
“At that time the [Australian] government was quite racial, as far as the Chinese were concerned, and they didn’t show any interest at all,” Shorter recalls.
“It’s funny. After the trip we were labelled as communists […] but we were interested in friendship first, competition second.”
Noel Shorter (left) shaking hands with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in 1971.
Noel Shorter
Why sport diplomacy matters
Beijing has continued to use sport as a diplomatic tool, including becoming the first city in the world to host both a summer and winter Olympic Games (Beijing in 2008 and 2022).
French educator Baron Pierre de Coubertin founded the International Olympic Committee in 1894, believing Olympics were a global event. “All people must be allowed in, without debate,” he said.
That ethos is facing major challenges today as a new global rift emerges between the West and autocratic regimes like Russia, China and others. A new term has also emerged in recent years – almost always applied by researchers in democratic nations – to describe undemocratic nations’ forays into global sport: sportswashing.
Viewed through today’s lens, China’s invitation to the Australian team five decades ago would most likely be reported as an attempt by the Communist Party to use sport to wash its image.
But without that young Australian sports team breaking down barriers by travelling to China, who knows how different Australia’s current economic and cultural landscape would be?
China’s current ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, has described the relationship between the two nations as “half a century of storms and sunshine”.
The Chinese ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, speaks to media at the embassy in Canberra.
Lukas Coch/AAP
His comments are included in a book published by the Chinese embassy, titled Fifty People Fifty Stories. It details the experiences of dozens of Australians who have at one time lived and worked in Beijing.
“The relationship between China and Australia has become more mature, stable and resilient,” Xiao writes. “Amity between people holds the key to sound relations between countries.”
At the heart of such amity, sport continues to play a significant role.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
China
Navigating Turbulent Waters: Trust Between China and the Philippines
Despite a July 2024 deal ensuring Philippine resupply missions at Second Thomas Shoal, tensions with China persist, marked by confrontations and deep distrust, indicating potential for future conflict escalation.
Ongoing Tensions in the South China Sea
Despite a July 2024 agreement facilitating uninterrupted resupply missions to the contentious Second Thomas Shoal, tensions between China and the Philippines remain significantly high. Increased aerial and naval confrontations in August, compounded by longstanding mutual mistrust, hint at a precarious situation. Both nations are employing legal strategies alongside military maneuvers, while China’s recent maritime regulations and the Philippines’ military modernization efforts suggest a future marked by conflict.
Rising Provocations and Distrust
The situation deteriorated further in June 2024, when Manila accused Chinese forces of intercepting its boats and injuring a sailor. Although the July deal allowed for a resupply mission without incident, broader tensions persisted as China reportedly fired flares dangerously close to Philippine aircraft in August. The incidents at Second Thomas Shoal illustrate the deepening security crisis that has persisted since 2021, as China continues to challenge Philippine resupply efforts.
Potential for Escalation
While the recent agreement may offer temporary relief, it is unlikely to resolve the long-standing maritime disputes in the region comprehensively. The continuing misinterpretations of the deal and the profound distrust between the two nations suggest an ongoing trajectory of escalating tensions. As disputes over competing claims in the South China Sea intensify, the situation at Second Thomas Shoal serves as a volatile flashpoint for future conflicts.
China
Is life getting better for China’s tech billionaires?
Pony Ma, Tencent co-founder, is China’s richest person with over A$65 billion. Despite past crackdowns, his wealth indicates a potential market recovery, while maintaining state control over the economy.
According to the latest Bloomberg Billionaires Index, Pony Ma, co-founder of Tencent Holdings, is once again China’s richest person, now with a net worth of more than A$65 billion, placing him 27th globally.
Close behind him in the rankings are bottled water tycoon Zhong Shanshan, and Zhang Yiming, the main co-founder of tech giant ByteDance, which owns TikTok.
Only a few years ago, China’s ruling Communist Party launched a crackdown on billionaires and other business leaders. Some were publicly jailed. Others simply disappeared from public view.
Ma’s resurgence might seem like a positive signal of a more permissive market environment. But as we watch China’s private sector grow, we should remember it follows China’s unique playbook.
The ascent of Tencent
Ma’s wealth primarily comes from his stake in Tencent, which he co-founded in 1998 with its headquarters in Shenzhen. As China’s economy grew, Tencent became a world-leading internet and technology company.
Tech billionaire Pony Ma at a government meeting in 2018.
Song Fan/AP
Tencent is well-known for QQ and WeChat, which quickly became two of the most popular instant messaging apps in China and connect more than a billion people.
Tencent is also the largest video game vendor in China, with popular games such as “Honour of Kings” and “League of Legends”.
Last month, Tencent released “Black Myth: Wukong”, China’s first-ever “AAA” video game. AAA is a globally recognised gaming industry buzzword that refers to major, high-budget, standalone productions.
The much-hyped game surpassed 10 million sales across platforms within three days of its release, becoming one of China’s most successful games of all time.
The game itself draws on a 16th century Chinese novel called “Journey to the West” and features various Chinese landscapes. Its popularity aligns with Beijing’s ongoing efforts to boost China’s international cultural appeal.
China’s state-owned media outlet Xinhua highly praised the game for “telling Chinese stories with world-class quality” and offering a new way for global players to understand Chinese culture.
Ma’s fortunes reflect his company’s
This official appraisal means a lot. In previous years, Tencent has had a challenging time coping with Beijing’s strict gaming regulations.
In August 2021, China’s video game regulator announced policies to limit online gamers under the age of 18 to only one hour of play on Fridays, weekends and holidays. This was a major blow to China’s gaming industry, including Tencent.
In December 2023, Beijing introduced more legislation aimed at further capping the amount of money and time that could be spent on video games. The announcement resulted in a 12.4% drop in Tencent’s share price. But the company still promised to strictly implement any new regulatory requirements.
The success of ‘Black Myth: Wukong’ reflects an improving outlook for Tencent.
Andy Wong/AP
A cautionary tale
In China, complying with state regulations is important. Another Chinese tech billionaire, Jack Ma, faced the consequences of publicly challenging them.
In 2020, Jack Ma was poised to launch what was set to be the world’s largest initial public offering (IPO), raising about A$50 billion for his financial technology giant, Ant Group.
However, after he gave a speech in Shanghai harshly criticising Chinese financial regulators for outdated rules and excessive intervention, regulators halted the Ant Group IPO.
Citing concerns that Ant Group’s e-finance products encouraged unrestrained borrowing and investment, China ultimately suspended the IPO in late 2020.
Over the following years, Ant and its affiliate company Alibaba were slapped with billions in fines for alleged breaches of financial regulations.
Getting on the front foot
This phase marked a much stricter regulatory posture from China. The tech tycoons had to adapt to a new reality.
In 2021, Pony Ma publicly stressed the importance of tightly regulating internet businesses, including his own. He also proactively volunteered to meet with antitrust authorities.
Tencent downsized by divesting stakes in various sectors, and the government demanded a restructuring of its financial business.
Many of China’s other billionaires heeded lessons from Jack Ma’s troubles at Ant Group.
Alex Plavevski/EPA
The party remains the ultimate authority
China’s economy is a “socialist market economy”. That is, China’s government thinks of the market as a useful tool to achieve socialist objectives.
That doesn’t mean the private sector doesn’t play a huge role, but the government has long been cautious about the emerging market power of oligarchs as a potential threat to the party’s authorities.
Over past decades of reform and opening up, Beijing has been committed to unleashing market forces, encouraging private sector development and modernising its financial institutions. The precondition is that the state should maintain the ultimate authority to regulate and mobilise market resources.
However, its economy has been stubbornly sluggish post-COVID. The clampdown on the private sector has undermined the confidence of many investors and entrepreneurs, which is crucial for restoring China’s economic vitality.
Last year, Beijing introduced a 31-point action plan in response, aiming to make the private economy “bigger, better and stronger”. Hours after its release, Pony Ma publicly praised the government’s move as “encouraging and inspiring”.
Could spring now be coming for China’s private sector? Perhaps, but only on China’s terms.
Remember, market development is always a means for the state to achieve its own ends. This will never be a story of the market growing while the state steps back.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
China
Zhejiang Province Increases Marriage Leave to 13 Days
On September 27, Zhejiang Province expanded marriage leave from 3 to 13 days for legally married employees. The new regulations ensure continued pay and benefits during leave and address demographic challenges by encouraging population growth. Businesses must update internal policies accordingly.
On September 27, the 12th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 14th Zhejiang Provincial People’s Congress approved the Zhejiang Province Marriage Leave Regulations (hereinafter referred to as the “Regulations”), extending the marriage leave to 13 days from three days.
According to the Regulations, employees who legally register their marriage are entitled to 13 days of marriage leave, excluding national statutory holidays and rest days. During the marriage leave, employees’ wages, bonuses, and other benefits will continue to be paid by their employers.
Notably, to ensure a smooth transition between the old and new leave regulations and to minimize disputes following the implementation of the new rules, the Regulations state that employees who registered their marriage within one year before the implementation of the new regulations and have not yet taken their marriage leave will be entitled to the new 13-day leave. Those who have already taken their marriage leave can supplement it according to the new regulations.
Businesses with operations in Zhejiang province are advised to amend their internal leave policies and employee handbook as soon as possible.
The extension of marriage leave in Zhejiang Province is part of a broader effort to support population growth and address demographic challenges. The province has seen some positive effects from its initial fertility support policies, which have helped to slow the sharp decline in birth rates.
*Granted to those who take pre-marital checkups, which involve being checked for any health conditions that will affect childbirth.
| This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
Read the rest of the original article.
- Navigating Turbulent Waters: Trust Between China and the Philippines
- Is life getting better for China’s tech billionaires?
- Zhejiang Province Increases Marriage Leave to 13 Days
- China ETFs Celebrate Beijing’s Stimulus Initiative
- From Bubble Tea to Business Partnerships: Exploring China-ASEAN Trade Integration
- With China seeking AI dominance, Taiwan’s efforts to slow neighbor’s access to advanced chips needs support from the West
