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Asean

China moves slowly to internationalise the renminbi

Author: Wang Yong, Peking University For those interested in the internationalisation of China’s national currency, the renminbi, and hence anyone interested in the future of the global currency system, Vice Premier Li Keqiang’s recent visit to Hong Kong was an important event. The Vice Premier announced on 17 August 2011 the central government’s ‘Six Measures’ to support Hong Kong’s economic development — a move welcomed by Chinese media and businesses. The measures include a quota of RMB20 billion (US$3 billion) for renminbi Qualified Foreign Institutional Investors (RQFIIs) to invest in mainland China’s RMB-denominated securities market; allowing mainland Chinese investors to conduct business in the Hong Kong Stock Exchange’s exchange-traded funds; and issuing RMB20 billion in RMB-denominated bonds in Hong Kong. The new measures are a significant step forward in promoting China’s national currency as a major international reserve currency. Beijing began considering the unique role that Hong Kong could play as an offshore RMB centre given its attributes — a pool of financial talent, its deep and liquid financial market and position as a free trade port — and its openness to international markets, in the early 2000s. This combination of factors consistently keeps Hong Kong at the top of the Index of Economic Freedom , and allowing its investors to move into mainland China’s A-share markets will give more support to Hong Kong as a global financial centre. But Chinese authorities have taken a cautious approach . The experimentation started with the creation of incentives and institutional infrastructure to settle trade transactions in this currency. At the same time, central monetary and financial regulators were careful about managing the opening of China’s domestic capital markets to overseas RMB-denominated investment. They have focused on managing the pace and scope of Chinese currency internationalisation to ensure that national economic security interests are protected. Despite this cautiousness, the announcements are a major step forward — obviously the US debt ceiling crisis helped Chinese leaders to speed up the efforts to internationalise RMB. Chinese financial institutions have purchased over US$1 trillion in Treasury bills, making China the largest official creditor to the US government. But more people are considering the inherent pitfalls of holding too much US debt, and the sentiment is growing that, given its large dollar-denominated holdings, China is exposed to immense risk. The Chinese believe the growing challenges experienced by the US in managing its massive debt burden and a weakening dollar are threatening future returns on these bonds. The extended saga over the US debt ceiling has made clear the potential hazards of maintaining massive dollar holdings. Growing public criticism of US bond operations inside China has even forced the country’s leadership to show that they are now giving serious consideration to measures aimed at reducing China’s role in financing American debt. Li Keqiang’s recent policy announcement to allow more investment scope for RQFIIs should be seen as partially motivated by the public outcry. Although internationalising the Chinese currency may seem desirable, the process is laden with risk. There is debate at the top of the party and government leadership over whether the time is ripe to dramatically move ahead on such currency reforms, or whether to wait and continue cautiously and incrementally. There are also enduring factors at play in internationalising the currency. The cultivation of Hong Kong as an offshore RMB centre was already written into China’s Twelfth Five-Year Plan . Hong Kong’s renminbi savings, or deposits, reached RMB550 billion (US$86 billion) at the end of June 2011, and the Hong Kong-based banking industry has lobbied Beijing heavily to open more investment windows. These business interests worked hard to convince Beijing that the expected risks in allowing these savings back into the mainland’s capital markets could be managed, and that the time was right to further expand Hong Kong’s role. Now, the worsening sovereign debt crises in the EU and the US are further adding to the internal Chinese financial market integration arguments. In recent months, the renminbi exchange rate has appreciated faster than before, and consensus is emerging that the conditions are right for China to promote the renminbi as the third global reserve currency, joining the US dollar and the euro. Despite growing pressure, Beijing will most likely continue to take a careful approach. The RMB20 billion quota assigned to Hong Kong investors is evidence of such caution. Given the considerations, it is clear that prudence is justified. Internationalising the renminbi requires China to fundamentally restructure its system of capital controls and the existing foreign exchange regime to allow for greater capital account convertibility; marketise interest rates; and further open domestic financial markets. Only through such measures will China be able to increase the attractiveness — albeit over the longer term — of holding renminbi assets for international investors. Wang Yong is Professor at the School of International Studies, Peking University. A version of this post was first published here on the Centre for International Governance Innovation website. On China’s renminbi becoming a world currency What China is after financially Krugman’s Chinese renminbi fallacy

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Author: Wang Yong, Peking University

For those interested in the internationalisation of China’s national currency, the renminbi, and hence anyone interested in the future of the global currency system, Vice Premier Li Keqiang’s recent visit to Hong Kong was an important event.

The Vice Premier announced on 17 August 2011 the central government’s ‘Six Measures’ to support Hong Kong’s economic development — a move welcomed by Chinese media and businesses. The measures include a quota of RMB20 billion (US$3 billion) for renminbi Qualified Foreign Institutional Investors (RQFIIs) to invest in mainland China’s RMB-denominated securities market; allowing mainland Chinese investors to conduct business in the Hong Kong Stock Exchange’s exchange-traded funds; and issuing RMB20 billion in RMB-denominated bonds in Hong Kong.

The new measures are a significant step forward in promoting China’s national currency as a major international reserve currency. Beijing began considering the unique role that Hong Kong could play as an offshore RMB centre given its attributes — a pool of financial talent, its deep and liquid financial market and position as a free trade port — and its openness to international markets, in the early 2000s. This combination of factors consistently keeps Hong Kong at the top of the Index of Economic Freedom, and allowing its investors to move into mainland China’s A-share markets will give more support to Hong Kong as a global financial centre.

But Chinese authorities have taken a cautious approach. The experimentation started with the creation of incentives and institutional infrastructure to settle trade transactions in this currency. At the same time, central monetary and financial regulators were careful about managing the opening of China’s domestic capital markets to overseas RMB-denominated investment. They have focused on managing the pace and scope of Chinese currency internationalisation to ensure that national economic security interests are protected. Despite this cautiousness, the announcements are a major step forward — obviously the US debt ceiling crisis helped Chinese leaders to speed up the efforts to internationalise RMB.

Chinese financial institutions have purchased over US$1 trillion in Treasury bills, making China the largest official creditor to the US government. But more people are considering the inherent pitfalls of holding too much US debt, and the sentiment is growing that, given its large dollar-denominated holdings, China is exposed to immense risk. The Chinese believe the growing challenges experienced by the US in managing its massive debt burden and a weakening dollar are threatening future returns on these bonds. The extended saga over the US debt ceiling has made clear the potential hazards of maintaining massive dollar holdings. Growing public criticism of US bond operations inside China has even forced the country’s leadership to show that they are now giving serious consideration to measures aimed at reducing China’s role in financing American debt. Li Keqiang’s recent policy announcement to allow more investment scope for RQFIIs should be seen as partially motivated by the public outcry.

Although internationalising the Chinese currency may seem desirable, the process is laden with risk. There is debate at the top of the party and government leadership over whether the time is ripe to dramatically move ahead on such currency reforms, or whether to wait and continue cautiously and incrementally. There are also enduring factors at play in internationalising the currency. The cultivation of Hong Kong as an offshore RMB centre was already written into China’s Twelfth Five-Year Plan. Hong Kong’s renminbi savings, or deposits, reached RMB550 billion (US$86 billion) at the end of June 2011, and the Hong Kong-based banking industry has lobbied Beijing heavily to open more investment windows. These business interests worked hard to convince Beijing that the expected risks in allowing these savings back into the mainland’s capital markets could be managed, and that the time was right to further expand Hong Kong’s role.

Now, the worsening sovereign debt crises in the EU and the US are further adding to the internal Chinese financial market integration arguments. In recent months, the renminbi exchange rate has appreciated faster than before, and consensus is emerging that the conditions are right for China to promote the renminbi as the third global reserve currency, joining the US dollar and the euro. Despite growing pressure, Beijing will most likely continue to take a careful approach. The RMB20 billion quota assigned to Hong Kong investors is evidence of such caution.

Given the considerations, it is clear that prudence is justified. Internationalising the renminbi requires China to fundamentally restructure its system of capital controls and the existing foreign exchange regime to allow for greater capital account convertibility; marketise interest rates; and further open domestic financial markets. Only through such measures will China be able to increase the attractiveness — albeit over the longer term — of holding renminbi assets for international investors.

Wang Yong is Professor at the School of International Studies, Peking University.

A version of this post was first published here on the Centre for International Governance Innovation website.

  1. On China’s renminbi becoming a world currency
  2. What China is after financially
  3. Krugman’s Chinese renminbi fallacy

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China moves slowly to internationalise the renminbi

Asean

ASEAN weathering the COVID-19 typhoon

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Vietnam's Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc addresses a special video conference with leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), in Hanoi 14 April, 2020 (Photo:Reuters/Manan Vatsyayana).

Author: Sandra Seno-Alday, Sydney University

The roughly 20 typhoons that hit Southeast Asia each year pale in comparison to the impact on the region of COVID-19 — a storm of a very different sort striking not just Southeast Asia but the world.

 

Just how badly is the COVID-19 typhoon thrashing the region? And what might the post-crisis recovery and reconstruction look like? To answer these questions, it is necessary to investigate the strengths and vulnerabilities of Southeast Asia’s pre-COVID-19 economic infrastructure.

Understanding the structure of the region’s economic house requires going back to 1967, when Southeast Asian countries decided to pledge friendship to one another under the ASEAN framework. While other integrated regions such as NAFTA and the European Union have aggressively broken down trade barriers and significantly boosted intra-regional trade, ASEAN regional economic integration has chugged along slower.

Southeast Asian countries have not viewed trade between each other as a top priority. The trade agreements in the region have been forged around suggestions for ASEAN countries to lower tariffs on intra-regional trade to within a certain range and across limited industries. This has lowered but not eliminated barriers to intra-regional trade. Consequently, a relatively significant share of Southeast Asian trade is with countries outside the region. This active extra-regional engagement has resulted in ASEAN countries’ successful integration into global value chain networks.

A historically outward-facing region, in 2010 around 75 per cent of Southeast Asian commodity imports and exports came from countries outside of ASEAN. This share of extra-regional trade nudged closer to 80 per cent in 2018. This indicates that ASEAN’s global value chain network embeddedness has deepened over time.

Around 40 per cent of ASEAN’s extra-regional trade is with the rest of Asia. From 2010 to 2018 Southeast Asian countries forged major trade relationships with four Asian countries: China, Japan, South Korea and India. Outside Asia, the United States is the region’s major trading partner. ASEAN’s trade focus on Asia’s largest markets is not surprising. Countries tend to establish trade relationships with large, geographically close, and culturally similar markets.

Fostering deep relationships with a few large markets, however, is a double-edged sword. While it has allowed ASEAN to benefit from integration in global value chains, it has also resulted in increased vulnerability to the shocks affecting its network connections.

ASEAN’s participation in global value chains has allowed it to transition from a net regional importer in 1990 to a net regional exporter in 2018. But the region’s deep embeddedness in a small and tightly-coupled network cluster of extra-regional global value chain partners has exposed it to disruption to any and all of its external partners. By contrast, ASEAN’s intra-regional trade network structure is much more loosely-coupled: a consequence of persistent intra-regional trade barriers and thus lower intra-regional trade intensity.

In the pre-COVID-19 period, ASEAN built for itself an economic house held up by just five extra-regional markets, while doing less to expand and diversify its intra-regional trade network. The data shows that ASEAN trade became increasingly concentrated in these few external markets between 2010 and 2018.

This dependence on a handful of markets does not bode well for risk and crisis management. All of the region’s major trading partners have been significantly affected by COVID-19 and this in turn is blowing the ASEAN economic house down.

What are the ways forward? The immediate task at hand is to get a better picture of the region’s position in global value chain networks and to get on top of managing its network risk exposure. Already there are red flags around the region’s food security arising from its position in food value chains. It is critical to look for ways to introduce flexibility into existing supply chains for greater agility in responding to crises.

It is also an opportune time for ASEAN to harness the technology transfer gains of global value chain participation and invest in innovation-driven diversification of products and markets. The region’s embeddedness in global value chain networks certainly places it in a strong position to readily access large export markets not just in Asia but also Europe and the Americas.

Over the longer term, ASEAN is faced with the question of whether it should seriously look…

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Asean

Can Asia maintain growth with an ever ageing population ?

To boost productivity in the future, Asian governments will have to implement well-targeted structural reforms today.

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