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Trade

Cross-border trade is the missing piece for India’s growth

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Bangladeshi citizens waiting in line to have their passports checked at the India-Bangladesh border gate, Petrapole, 23 March 2022 (Photo: Reuters/Debajyoti Chakraborty).

Authors: Durairaj Kumarasamy and Manisha Nayyar, MRIIRS

The potential for cross-border trade between India and its neighbouring countries — Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Myanmar, Pakistan, Afghanistan and China — has not been fully realised. India’s formal cross-border trade with these countries was about US$2.48 billion in 2021 despite the US$115 billion trade potential. Only nine of India’s seventeen border states are actively engaged in cross-border trade.

This is due to political and security reasons, difficult geographical terrain for connectivity and growing informal trade which has stemmed from open borders in most of the northeastern region.

Borders with neighbouring countries are often not properly fenced and guarded, resulting in insurgency and illegal movement of goods and people. Most of the northeastern region, as well as Jammu and Kashmir, face insurgency issues. Insurgents take advantage of porous borders to escape from the army as they are internationally well-connected and have hideouts in neighbouring countries.

Another persistent issue is the undocumented cross-border migration from Bangladesh to India’s border regions, which results in human trafficking and other crimes. This has catalysed bilateral tensions between the two countries. The realities of the northeastern region pose a challenge to India’s open economic policy as conceptualised by the ‘Act East’ policy, which is currently oscillating between the need for basic economic development in the region and security constraints.

Despite these challenges, northeastern states possess the potential to leverage their strong ethnic and cultural ties with neighbouring countries to facilitate the trade of locally produced goods via border haats (local markets along borders) and other channels. These channels can create numerous employment opportunities for young people.

The proposed increase in border haats with Bangladesh, construction of new airports and the new PM-DevINE scheme (a regional development initiative) allow northeastern states to break the cycle of dependence on the central government.

Both the central and state governments have introduced many developmental and infrastructural initiatives, such as Bharatmala — an intra-national transport network to strengthen land route connections with neighbouring countries.

But despite these initiatives, northeastern states still face an infrastructural deficit. Poor road connectivity and a lack of bridges remain the biggest infrastructural challenge in the border districts of the state. Most villages do not even have access to tap water and electricity, and the Border Area Development Program does not have sufficient funds to fulfil the needs of border districts. Most borderlands lack basic amenities and employment opportunities, causing people to leave.

The central government’s flagship initiatives, Make in India and the Self Reliant India Campaign, are efforts to make India a manufacturing hub. Given that vision, regional integration should be at the top of India’s foreign policy agenda, because it would help overcome constraints to the flow of goods, services, capital, people and ideas — all of which are critical to delivering high economic growth.

The central government needs to increase budget allocations for infrastructure and development initiatives in the border areas to provide necessary facilities for local populations. State governments could establish Export Promotion Zones for border trade through Integrated Check Posts by providing institutional and financial support to local entrepreneurs. They could also initiate an institutional framework at the state level to boost local trade, with designated ministries identifying local challenges and strengths.

The role of sub-regional groupings such as the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and the Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal Initiative in facilitating border trade in India cannot be ignored. These groupings help reduce trade barriers, harmonise trade policies, develop infrastructure, enhance cooperation and promote regional integration which are essential for facilitating cross-border trade.

BIMSTEC is in line with India’s ‘Act East’ policy, which seeks to foster greater regional cooperation in Southeast Asia. During the 2022 summit, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged BIMSTEC leaders to transform the group into a means of connectivity, prosperity and security — the three drivers of India’s regional diplomacy.

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Trade

Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Fragmentation in global trade due to the lack of development in multilateral trade rules at the WTO has led to an increase in FTAs. The Appellate Body impasse has further exacerbated fragmentation, requiring a multilateral approach for reform.

Fragmentation in Global Trade

Fragmentation in global trade is not new. With the slow development of multilateral trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO), governments have turned to free trade agreements (FTAs). As of 2023, almost 600 bilateral and regional trade agreements have been notified to the WTO, leading to growing fragmentation in trade rules, business activities, and international relations. But until recently, trade dispute settlements have predominantly remained within the WTO.

Challenges with WTO Dispute Settlement

The demise of the Appellate Body increased fragmentation in both the interpretation and enforcement of trade law. A small number of WTO Members created the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) as a temporary solution, but in its current form, it cannot properly address fragmentation. Since its creation in 2020, the MPIA has only attracted 26 parties, and its rulings have not been consistent with previous decisions made by the Appellate Body, rendering WTO case law increasingly fragmented.

The Path Forward for Global Trade

Maintaining the integrity and predictability of the global trading system while reducing fragmentation requires restoring the WTO’s authority. At the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference in 2022, governments agreed to re-establish a functional dispute settlement system by 2024. Reaching a consensus will be difficult, and negotiations will take time. A critical mass-based, open plurilateral approach provides a viable alternative way to reform the appellate mechanism, as WTO Members are committed to reforming the dispute settlement system.

Source : Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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The WTO’s 13th Ministerial Conference is set to focus on e-commerce transparency, investment facilitation, and admitting new members. However, progress may be hindered by disputes, especially regarding fisheries subsidies.

The World Trade Organisation’s 13th Ministerial Conference

The World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) 13th Ministerial Conference is set to take place in Abu Dhabi on 26–29 February, with expectations of deals on electronic commerce transparency, investment facilitation for development, and the admission of Timor Leste and the Comoros as WTO members. Despite these positive developments, the expectations are relatively modest compared to promises made at the 12th Ministerial Conference, which included addressing fisheries subsidies and restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism by 2024.

Challenges in Dispute Settlement and Agricultural Trade Reform

However, challenges remain, especially in the deadlock of dispute settlement since December 2019 due to a US veto on the appointment of Appellate Body judges. Progress in restoring the dispute settlement mechanism has stalled, and discord continues regarding India’s grain stockholding policy as a potential illegal subsidy. Restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism hinges on addressing US concerns about perceived bias against trade remedies in relation to China’s state subsidies.

Geopolitical Tensions and the Future of Trade Relations

The likelihood of reaching agreements amid geopolitical tensions between Western democracies and China appears slim, with issues surrounding subsidies and global supply chains causing rifts in trade relations. As nations focus on self-reliance within the global value chain, opportunities for trading face obstacles. Advocacy for open markets and addressing protectionist sentiments remains crucial for fostering resilience to external shocks and promoting economic growth.

Source : WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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Vietnam’s economy grew 8% in 2022 but slowed in 2023 due to falling exports and delays in public investments. The economy’s future depends on structural reforms and reducing dependency on foreign investment.

Vietnam’s Economic Roller Coaster

After emerging from COVID-19 with an 8 per cent annual growth rate, Vietnam’s economy took a downturn in the first half of 2023. The drop was attributed to falling exports due to monetary tightening in developed countries and a slow post-pandemic recovery in China.

Trade Performance and Monetary Policy

Exports were down 12 per cent on-year, with the industrial production index showing negative growth early in 2023 but ended with an increase of approximately 1 per cent for the year. Monetary policy was loosened throughout the year, with bank credit growing by 13.5 per cent overall and 1.7 per cent in the last 20 days of 2023.

Challenges and Prospects

Vietnam’s economy suffered from delayed public investments, electricity shortages, and a declining domestic private sector in the last two years. Looking ahead to 2024, economic growth is expected to be in the range of 5.5–6 per cent, but the country faces uncertainties due to geopolitical tensions and global economic conditions.

Source : Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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