China
Indian Ocean could get choppy without regional security cooperation
Author: Peter van der Hoest, GRIPS
The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is home to 75 per cent of the world’s oil, iron and tin reserves. India, Japan and China have all contributed to what they consider their national interest to keep these maritime trade routes open. All three nations have emphasised the strategic imperative of keeping sea-lanes secure in their various high-level strategic policy documents.
The Chinese and Japanese openly state that the main task of their anti-piracy efforts is to look after their own merchant vessels. The Indian Navy asserts that it aims to provide assurances to both Indian and foreign merchant vessels alike. Yet all three navies have greatly contributed not only to the protection of their own merchant fleet but also to securing the global common that is the Indian Ocean.
As piracy has hampered the free flow of goods and services in the region, many countries have participated in policing operations — bringing about a steady decline in piracy activity. The International Chamber of Commerce’s International Maritime Bureau reported a drop in piracy of 40 per cent worldwide between 2011 and 2013 with incidents around the coast of Somalia dwindling from 237 to 15.
Approximately half of the vessels given patrol protection by China were from mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Macao. Of the approximately 3000 ships escorted by the Japanese Maritime Self Defense Forces, around 600 were Japan-owned or operated by Japanese shipping companies. And of the more than 2200 vessels escorted by India, a mere 269 were Indian-flagged.
Shipping companies do not have the time or the financial ability to pay for their ships to wait in ports for a convoy to become available. Merchant shipping requires navies operating in the area to adjust and cooperate wherever possible. China, Japan and India realised this when the three navies decided to work together by sharing information on their patrol movements and escort schedules in January 2012. This came about as part of the Shared Awareness and Deconfliction initiative in an effort to greatly enhance the number of patrolled merchant vessels travelling through the Indian Ocean waters.
It is this kind of cooperation that is needed in the ongoing struggle against piracy. Despite a fall in the number of hijackings, piracy remains a source of concern. Pirates are mobile and flexible, and so the response must be too. And it is not just pirates that pose dangers to maritime security in the IOR: risks also include terrorism, smuggling, illegal fishing, sea levels rising and natural disasters.
The problem is that as long as it is perceived that navies come to the IOR to protect and advance their own national and strategic interests, the presence of national navies will be seen as competition at best or at worst as rivalry or as a threat. Yet collaboration between the navies is crucial in order to effectively advance their shared commitment to maritime and sea-lane security. China, India and Japan have the capability and interest to achieve this goal. But they need to institutionalise their commitment. The countries involved in the anti-piracy operations can work out best practices; discuss their priorities and modus operandi; build confidence; and find common understanding on risks and threats in the maritime domain.
Currently there are some regional maritime institutions such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS). But these institutions remain weak. They are not inclusive, not properly funded and staffed and they shy away from hard security issues. The IORA has recently begun to address maritime security but Japan and China, two countries with a huge stake in this, only have observer status.
The IONS aims to be the Indian Ocean equivalent to the Western Pacific Naval Symposium (WPNS), providing a platform for regional navies to discuss maritime issues. China and Japan are currently not included but, given their sustained presence in the IOR, should be invited to join this forum. It is no coincidence that the first meeting between the Japanese and Chinese navy chiefs in almost five years occurred during the April 2014 WPNS. Without consultation and dialogue as a careful first step, any progress towards a comprehensive approach of maritime security is unlikely to take off.
The Indian Navy prides itself as being the most powerful and important navy in the region. It is time for the new Indian Navy Chief Robin Dhowan to build a more inclusive approach to security architecture in the IOR. He could start by proposing that Japan and China join the IONS.
Peter van der Hoest is a PhD candidate at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Tokyo and currently a visiting international fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. The views expressed are his own.
Excerpt from:
Indian Ocean could get choppy without regional security cooperation
China
Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.
There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.
Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.
A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post.
This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media.
Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.
AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:
“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”
Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.
Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.
Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.
Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
China
Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China
Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.
Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.
Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.
In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.
Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.
Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.
If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.
There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
China
China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment
China unveiled a comprehensive action plan for upgrading industrial equipment, with a focus on driving technological innovation and economic growth. The plan, released on April 9, 2024, aims to enhance competitiveness and sustainability within the manufacturing sector through extensive investment and regulatory support.
China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.
On April 9, 2024, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) and six other departments jointly released a notice introducing the Implementation Plan for Promoting Equipment Renewal in the Industrial Sector (hereafter referred to as the “action plan”).
Finalized earlier on March 23, 2024, this comprehensive action plan addresses critical issues related to technological innovation and economic development. It reflects China’s proactive stance in enhancing competitiveness and sustainability within its manufacturing sector. The initiative underscores the recognition of industrial equipment upgrading as a top policy priority.
The scope of China’s action plan to upgrade industrial equipment in manufacturing, is extensive, covering various aspects such as:
In line with China’s ambitious goals for industrial modernization and sustainable development, the action plan outlines several key objectives aimed at driving substantial advancements in the industrial sector by 2027.
These objectives encompass a wide range of areas, from increasing investment to enhancing digitalization and promoting innovation, including:
The objectives and key actions proposed in the action plan are summarized below.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
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