China
Indian Ocean dynamics: An Indian perspective
Author: P K Ghosh, ORF The Indian Ocean is a very ‘active’ ocean, perceived by many as the emerging centre of gravity in the strategic world. Thus, the words attributed to the maritime strategist Alfred Mahan ring true: ‘Whoever controls the Indian Ocean will dominate Asia, the destiny of the world will be decided on its waters.’ This is particularly true in the context of the struggle for gaining maritime influence in the region. The ‘activity’ in the Indian Ocean region is defined by extensive trade, energy transfers and a spectrum that ranges from political turbulence on one end, to threats from piracy, terrorism and transnational crime on the other. Most importantly, it is an area that has become witness to a jostle for power, and subsequent shifts in the dynamics of the region. This struggle has intensified as a consequence of the ‘imperial overstretch’ of US forces, and a commonly perceived erosion of US influence. There is growing participation in the area from other major players seeking primacy along with the US. The new players are primarily India and China, with Australia, Indonesia and South Africa occasionally playing the role of aspirant kingmakers. The region has become ripe for geostrategic competition due to the presence of mutually distrustful littorals, who have prevented the creation of an overall security architecture, despite similar priorities and a common interest in maritime operations. Multilateral forums, such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC), formed in March 1997, have an economic agenda and are presently widely considered moribund. The fate of numerous regional or sub-groupings is better in some cases as they cater exclusively to regional aspirations. Given the atmospherics, India — with its large maritime capacity — has attempted to play the role of an ‘unobtrusive fulcrum’ and a ‘balancer of power’ in the region. It created the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) in 2008 with enthusiasm from all participating littorals. Unfortunately, the focus of the movement seems to have diffused now, while it meanders along with its meetings — the most recent one held in the United Arab Emirates. China has been making increased forays into the Indian Ocean Region(IOR) in the interests of energy security and trade. Spiralling demand for energy from India, China and Japan has led to an inevitable and enhanced sensitivity around the security of the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and of choke points which dot the entrances of the Indian Ocean. After all, at current levels of consumption, India’s oil import dependence is expected to rise to 91.6 per cent by 2020, while in the case of China it will be 76.9 per cent. With large volumes of energy and trade for China coming from West Asia and Africa, it is inevitable that the Chinese will attempt to ensure Indian Ocean SLOC security. While the Chinese have made inroads into Pakistan (Gwadar), Sri Lanka, Myanmar, the Indian Ocean Islands and Bangladesh as part of its ‘string of pearls policy’ of encirclement, India has been trying to cast its strategic net well beyond the region. It is actively pursuing a multi-pronged response strategy, which seeks to neutralise Chinese influence in its immediate neighbourhood while simultaneously courting states on its periphery, many of which are apprehensive of creeping Chinese aggressiveness. Elevating bilateral relations with South Korea to a strategic partnership, a strategic dialogue with Japan and quiet support for the Vietnamese on the South China seas are all part of the Indian design. Focused attempts at enhancing its political-military relations with Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines and Myanmar, are all part of this process. Bangladesh, along with Indian Ocean islands, and East African states have also been on the receiving end of Indian largesse in various forms. Moving further westward, India has been strengthening its economic, security and diplomatic relationship with Iran, not only to neutralise Pakistan but also to checkmate the Chinese hold on Gwadar port. The growing incidents of piracy emanating from the failed state of Somalia and the semi- autonomous Puntland have strategic implications for the ongoing struggle. The naval melee of various task forces and warships acting independently in the region has thrown up strategic lessons and questions. The Chinese naval deployment in this field not only reinforces its strategic reach and sustenance capability, but also displays its capacity to act swiftly and flexibly. With the tacit agreement of the US, which insists on India’s large and capable maritime force playing a larger role in Indian Ocean politics — and given the China threat factor, which looms large in minds of small and large nations alike — it is likely that India will enhance its influence in the region. India’s strategic ethos will, however, mean that it will insist on taking important friends like Australia, South Africa and Indonesia along in this process for greater development of the region. Probal Ghosh was Coordinator of the IONS 2008 inaugural seminar and helped in conceptualising the initiative. Currently he is a Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, (ORF) India. He is also the Co- Chairman of the CSCAP International Study Group on Maritime Security (Naval Enhancement). What strategies might work in the Indian Ocean? APEC and the new dynamics of world trade Piracy and maritime security in East Asia
Author: P K Ghosh, ORF
The Indian Ocean is a very ‘active’ ocean, perceived by many as the emerging centre of gravity in the strategic world.
Thus, the words attributed to the maritime strategist Alfred Mahan ring true: ‘Whoever controls the Indian Ocean will dominate Asia, the destiny of the world will be decided on its waters.’ This is particularly true in the context of the struggle for gaining maritime influence in the region.
The ‘activity’ in the Indian Ocean region is defined by extensive trade, energy transfers and a spectrum that ranges from political turbulence on one end, to threats from piracy, terrorism and transnational crime on the other. Most importantly, it is an area that has become witness to a jostle for power, and subsequent shifts in the dynamics of the region.
This struggle has intensified as a consequence of the ‘imperial overstretch’ of US forces, and a commonly perceived erosion of US influence. There is growing participation in the area from other major players seeking primacy along with the US. The new players are primarily India and China, with Australia, Indonesia and South Africa occasionally playing the role of aspirant kingmakers.
The region has become ripe for geostrategic competition due to the presence of mutually distrustful littorals, who have prevented the creation of an overall security architecture, despite similar priorities and a common interest in maritime operations. Multilateral forums, such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC), formed in March 1997, have an economic agenda and are presently widely considered moribund. The fate of numerous regional or sub-groupings is better in some cases as they cater exclusively to regional aspirations.
Given the atmospherics, India — with its large maritime capacity — has attempted to play the role of an ‘unobtrusive fulcrum’ and a ‘balancer of power’ in the region. It created the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) in 2008 with enthusiasm from all participating littorals. Unfortunately, the focus of the movement seems to have diffused now, while it meanders along with its meetings — the most recent one held in the United Arab Emirates.
China has been making increased forays into the Indian Ocean Region(IOR) in the interests of energy security and trade. Spiralling demand for energy from India, China and Japan has led to an inevitable and enhanced sensitivity around the security of the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and of choke points which dot the entrances of the Indian Ocean. After all, at current levels of consumption, India’s oil import dependence is expected to rise to 91.6 per cent by 2020, while in the case of China it will be 76.9 per cent. With large volumes of energy and trade for China coming from West Asia and Africa, it is inevitable that the Chinese will attempt to ensure Indian Ocean SLOC security.
While the Chinese have made inroads into Pakistan (Gwadar), Sri Lanka, Myanmar, the Indian Ocean Islands and Bangladesh as part of its ‘string of pearls policy’ of encirclement, India has been trying to cast its strategic net well beyond the region. It is actively pursuing a multi-pronged response strategy, which seeks to neutralise Chinese influence in its immediate neighbourhood while simultaneously courting states on its periphery, many of which are apprehensive of creeping Chinese aggressiveness.
Elevating bilateral relations with South Korea to a strategic partnership, a strategic dialogue with Japan and quiet support for the Vietnamese on the South China seas are all part of the Indian design. Focused attempts at enhancing its political-military relations with Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines and Myanmar, are all part of this process.
Bangladesh, along with Indian Ocean islands, and East African states have also been on the receiving end of Indian largesse in various forms. Moving further westward, India has been strengthening its economic, security and diplomatic relationship with Iran, not only to neutralise Pakistan but also to checkmate the Chinese hold on Gwadar port.
The growing incidents of piracy emanating from the failed state of Somalia and the semi- autonomous Puntland have strategic implications for the ongoing struggle. The naval melee of various task forces and warships acting independently in the region has thrown up strategic lessons and questions. The Chinese naval deployment in this field not only reinforces its strategic reach and sustenance capability, but also displays its capacity to act swiftly and flexibly.
With the tacit agreement of the US, which insists on India’s large and capable maritime force playing a larger role in Indian Ocean politics — and given the China threat factor, which looms large in minds of small and large nations alike — it is likely that India will enhance its influence in the region. India’s strategic ethos will, however, mean that it will insist on taking important friends like Australia, South Africa and Indonesia along in this process for greater development of the region.
Probal Ghosh was Coordinator of the IONS 2008 inaugural seminar and helped in conceptualising the initiative. Currently he is a Senior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, (ORF) India. He is also the Co- Chairman of the CSCAP International Study Group on Maritime Security (Naval Enhancement).
- What strategies might work in the Indian Ocean?
- APEC and the new dynamics of world trade
- Piracy and maritime security in East Asia
See the original post here:
Indian Ocean dynamics: An Indian perspective
China
New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024
China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.
Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.
China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.
The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.
In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.
Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
China
Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.
There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.
Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.
A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post.
This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media.
Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.
AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:
“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”
Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.
Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.
Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.
Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
China
Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China
Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.
Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.
Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.
In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.
Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.
Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.
If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.
There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
- New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024
- Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
- Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China
- China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment
- China deepens engagement with new Indonesian president as top diplomat visits Jakarta
- New Publication: A Guide for Foreign Investors on Navigating China’s New Company Law
