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China

Strained ties with Russia boost prospects for Central Asian integration

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Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin shows the way to Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev during a meeting in Moscow, Russia, 28 November 2022 (Photo: Reuters/Sputnik/Alexander Astafyev)

Author: Gennady Rudkevich, Alexandria

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and China’s modest response to it, has placed the governments of Central Asia in an unenviable position — aware that Russia does not fully respect their sovereignty and has no qualms about using force, while recognising that no one would provide sufficient assistance if they became a target of Russian aggression.

Though highly reliant on Russia, Central Asian governments have good reason to seek other allies. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine violated numerous treaties and used greater force in pursuit of greater ambitions than Russia’s 2008 war against Georgia. It also relied on rationales — discrimination against ethnic Russians, hyper-nationalist politicians and allegedly weak historical claims to statehood — that could easily be applied to several countries in Central Asia. Some of these arguments have been used against Kazakhstan by Russian politicians since the 1990s, including frequently in 2022.

Central Asia is suffering the economic consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Western-led sanctions noticeably impacted remittances from workers based in Russia. Russia’s response to those sanctions — including a ban on grain exports — also negatively impacted the Central Asian economy.

These actions led to backlash from Central Asian leaders, including public rebukes of Putin’s justification for war, refusals to support Russia in Ukraine-related UN votes, attempts to prevent their citizens from joining the Russian military and the provision of refuge for Russians fleeing conscription. Even Tajik President Rahmon — who is highly dependent on Russian goodwill — criticised Russia for not showing the region respect.

Russia’s war provides an opening for other great powers to take a more active role in Central Asian affairs. The United States is not a realistic option given that greater US influence over Central Asia is unacceptable to Moscow, which holds an effective veto over outside involvement in the region through its political and economic influence.

In any case, the United States would find it difficult to displace Russia and China for a combination of geographic, economic and political reasons, even if it had the motivation to get more involved in a region that is less important to US interests since its withdrawal from Afghanistan. The most the United States can do is to call for more dialogue as Central Asian regimes’ pursuing anything more substantial would risk retaliation from Russia.

The more obvious option would be China. Central Asian elites have a broadly positive view of China. Under President Xi Jinping, China has sought to expand its influence — with Central Asia a natural target. It has voiced support for Central Asian sovereignty through its role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. China also has far more resources at its disposal than potential rivals. Yet China has so far failed to capitalise on this opportunity. Part of the reason might have been the preparation for the 20th Communist Party Congress, where success was seen as vital for Xi’s consolidation of power.

There are other reasons to doubt China’s ability to step into the void left by Russia. One is public ambivalence toward China. As China took a more active economic role in Central Asia, its favourability sharply decreased. A large part has to do with rising debt levels, with most of that debt owed to China. Using similar debts to take control of vital infrastructure in other developing countries has not helped China in that regard.

China’s ambiguity towards the war in Ukraine — being unwilling to condemn Russia’s behaviour while voicing concerns in private — demonstrated that China cannot be counted on to take a clear position in any dispute with Russia. As China positions itself as a great power, it can no longer rely on simply making statements, especially when made in private. This will not affect China’s extensive economic links to Central Asia — there isn’t a real alternative — but it will push Central Asian rulers to look for other security options.

The most realistic alternative is eschewing reliance on outside great powers and instead pushing for greater regional integration, which has seen positive developments. Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan resolved a major water dispute in November 2022. Ties between longtime rivals Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have been improving since Shavkat Mirziyoyev became President of Uzbekistan. Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev refuses to support Russia’s war,…

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment

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China unveiled a comprehensive action plan for upgrading industrial equipment, with a focus on driving technological innovation and economic growth. The plan, released on April 9, 2024, aims to enhance competitiveness and sustainability within the manufacturing sector through extensive investment and regulatory support.


China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.

On April 9, 2024, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) and six other departments jointly released a notice introducing the Implementation Plan for Promoting Equipment Renewal in the Industrial Sector (hereafter referred to as the “action plan”).

Finalized earlier on March 23, 2024, this comprehensive action plan addresses critical issues related to technological innovation and economic development. It reflects China’s proactive stance in enhancing competitiveness and sustainability within its manufacturing sector. The initiative underscores the recognition of industrial equipment upgrading as a top policy priority.

The scope of China’s action plan to upgrade industrial equipment in manufacturing, is extensive, covering various aspects such as:

In line with China’s ambitious goals for industrial modernization and sustainable development, the action plan outlines several key objectives aimed at driving substantial advancements in the industrial sector by 2027.

These objectives encompass a wide range of areas, from increasing investment to enhancing digitalization and promoting innovation, including:

The objectives and key actions proposed in the action plan are summarized below.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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