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China

Semiconductor tensions chip away at cross-Strait relations

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A chip is pictured at the Taiwan Semiconductor Research Institute (TSRI) at Hsinchu Science Park in Hsinchu, Taiwan on 16 September 2022. (Photo: Reuters/Ann Wang)

Author: Yvette To, CityU

US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan and President Joe Biden’s pledge that the United States would defend the island have escalated tensions in the Taiwan Strait. At the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, President Xi Jinping stressed the importance of reunifying with Taiwan.

The escalating US–China technology rivalry and global chip shortage make Taiwan’s role as a leading global supplier of semiconductors strategically and economically important to both powers.

The question is what will happen to global chip production in the event of a cross-Strait military conflict. COVID-19 lockdowns have already disrupted global semiconductor supply. Since global semiconductor production capacity is highly concentrated in Asia, including in Taiwan, South Korea and China, a cross-Strait military conflict will crimp the global production of semiconductors. In a military confrontation, China might impose an embargo on Taiwan’s exports of critical technologies.

Taiwan is home to several of the world’s largest semiconductor foundries. Together they represent more than 63 per cent of the global market share. The world is heavily dependent on the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), which produces more than 90 per cent of the world’s most advanced semiconductors, including 5-nanometre chips.

Supply disruptions will directly impact Apple — TMSC’s largest customer — Nvidia, Qualcomm and AMD. It will also disrupt leading US technology companies specialised in computer processors and chipsets that power modern devices, from consumer electronics and medical equipment to artificial intelligence and military technologies.

With supplies from Taiwan crimped in the event of a cross-Strait conflict, companies may have to look to South Korea for replacement chips. Samsung is the world’s second largest semiconductor foundry by revenue, accounting for approximately 17 per cent of the global market — a 35 per cent smaller share than TSMC. But the production capacity of South Korean foundries is unlikely to meet global demand and Seoul could be drawn into the conflict should the United States get involved.

Chinese foundries produce around 8 per cent of the world’s semiconductors. But even if Chinese companies maintain their semiconductor production in a cross-Strait conflict, the chips they can mass produce are mainly 28-nanometre and 14-nanometre chips. These are less sophisticated and powerful than the 7-nanometre and 5-nanometre made by TSMC and Samsung.

While there were reports in August 2022 that China’s Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation had made a great leap in successfully developing 7-nanometre chips, the company’s mass production capacity remains unknown. Indeed, the global semiconductor supply chain is complex and involves different stages of manufacturing demanding high-, medium- and low-skilled inputs. Any disruption will have knock-on effects on upstream and downstream industries.

Southeast Asian countries are also involved in semiconductor manufacturing. Malaysia packages and tests newly made semiconductors, accounting for 13 per cent of the global market share. Singapore operates fabrication plants for US-based Micron and GlobalFoundries and several assembly and testing facilities for Taiwanese companies.

Many industries rely on a stable supply of semiconductors, exposing them to the effects of a cross-Strait conflict. The automotive industry is still battling the global chip shortage that emerged in 2020. Over the past few years, automakers have competed with other consumer electronics providers over chips made in Asia. Some automotive giants have already cut production, while others expect the chip crunch to last into 2024. A military conflict involving the global hub of chip production will further strain the industry, creating knock-on effects on other parts of the automotive supply chain.

The effects of a cross-Strait conflict can be mitigated by strengthening supply chain resiliency. Some countries and companies have already started diversifying and securing their semiconductor supply chains. But diversification comes with a cost. The US Chips and Science Act uses federal subsidies to lure technology firms — including US, Taiwanese and South Korean companies — to invest in cutting-edge chip development and manufacturing in the United States. Companies are not allowed to build advanced chipmaking facilities in China for 10 years to receive these subsidies.

While reshoring and

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Lingang New Area in Shanghai Opens First Cross-Border Data Service Center to Streamline Data Export Process

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The Lingang New Area in Shanghai has launched China’s first Cross-Border Data Service Center to facilitate data export for companies in Shanghai. The center will help with applications, data catalogs, and management, aiming to provide legal and safe cross-border data transfer mechanisms.


The Lingang New Area in Shanghai’s Pilot Free Trade Zone has launched a new cross-border data service center to provide administrative and consulting services to companies in Shanghai that need to export data out of China. The service center will help facilitate data export by accepting applications from companies for data export projects and is tasked with formulating and implementing data catalogs to facilitate data export in the area. The Shanghai cross-border data service center will provide services to companies across the whole city.

The Lingang New Area in the Shanghai Pilot Free Trade Zone has launched China’s first Cross-Border Data Service Center (the “service center”). The service center, which is jointly operated by the Cybersecurity Administration of China (CAC) and the local government, aims to further facilitate legal, safe, and convenient cross-border data transfer (CBDT) mechanisms for companies.

The service center will not only serve companies in the Lingang New Area but is also open to companies across Shanghai, and will act as an administrative service center specializing in CBDT.

In January 2024, the local government showcased a set of trial measures for the “classified and hierarchical” management of CBDT in the Lingang New Area. The measures, which have not yet been released to the public, seek to facilitate CBDT from the area by dividing data for cross-border transfer into three different risk categories: core, important, and general data.

The local government also pledged to release two data catalogs: a “general data” catalog, which will include types of data that can be transferred freely out of the Lingang New Area, and an “important data” catalog, which will be subject to restrictions. According to Zong Liang, an evaluation expert at the service center, the first draft of the general data catalog has been completed and is being submitted to the relevant superior departments for review.

In March 2024, the CAC released the final version of a set of regulations significantly facilitating CBDT for companies in the country. The new regulations increase the limits on the volume of PI that a company can handle before it is required to undergo additional compliance procedures, provide exemptions from the compliance procedures, and clarify the handling of important data.

Also in March, China released a new set of technical standards stipulating the rules for classifying three different types of data – core, important, and general data. Importantly, the standards provide guidelines for regulators and companies to identify what is considered “important” data. This means they will act as a reference for companies and regulators when assessing the types of data that can be exported, including FTZs such as the Lingang New Area.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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A Concise Guide to the Verification Letter of Invitation Requirement in the China Visa Process

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The application procedures for business visas to China have been simplified, with most foreigners now able to apply for an M/F visa using only an invitation letter from a Chinese company. Some countries are eligible for visa-free entry. However, a Verification Letter of Invitation may still be needed in certain cases. Consult the local Chinese embassy for confirmation.


In light of recent developments, the application procedures for business visas to China have undergone substantial simplification. Most foreigners can now apply for an M/F visa using only the invitation letter issued by a Chinese company. Additionally, citizens of certain countries are eligible to enter China without a visa and stay for up to 144 hours or even 15 days.

However, it’s important to note that some applicants may still need to apply for a “Verification Letter of Invitation (邀请核实单)” when applying for an M/F visa to China. In this article, we will introduce what a Verification Letter of Invitation is, who needs to apply for it, and the potential risks.

It’s important to note that in most cases, the invitation letter provided by the inviting unit (whether a public entity or a company) is sufficient for M/F visa applications. The Verification Letter for Invitation is only required when the Chinese embassies or consulates in certain countries specifically ask for the document.

Meanwhile, it is also essential to note that obtaining a Verification Letter for Invitation does not guarantee visa approval. The final decision on granting a visa rests with the Chinese embassy abroad, based on the specific circumstances of the applicant.

Based on current information, foreign applicants in Sri Lanka and most Middle East countries – such as Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Syria, Pakistan, and so on – need to submit a Verification Letter for Invitation when they apply for a visa to China.

That said, a Verification Letter for Invitation might not be required in a few Middle East countries, such as Saudi Arabia. Therefore, we suggest that foreign applicants consult with their the local Chinese embassy or consulate to confirm in advance.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Uyghurs remember 1990 Baren Uprising over China’s forced abortions

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Uyghurs and sympathetic protesters rallied in Washington, Istanbul and Munich on Friday to remember a 1990 uprising in Xinjiang triggered by anger over China forcing Uyghur women to get abortions and sterilizations.

The death toll from the Baren uprising – put down by Chinese troops – ranges from a couple dozen to as many as 3,000, according to the World Uyghur Congress. 

Chinese authorities never held a public investigation, and Human Rights Watch said that a reliable tally of the casualties may never be known.

The rebellion started on the evening of April 4, 1990, when over 200 Uyghurs tried to break into a local government office in Baren, a town of 19,000 in Akto county on the western edge of the Taklamakan Desert in Xinjiang’s Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture.

Demonstrators rally in front of the Chinese Embassy in Washington, DC, April 5, 2024, to call attention to the 34th anniversary of the Baren Massacre. (Shahrezad Ghayrat/RFA)

In response, the Chinese government dispatched over 18,000 troops to quell protests, killing an unknown number of people on April 5 and subsequent days.

Seminal moment

The uprising was a seminal moment because it began a period of increased Chinese repression of the mostly Muslim Uyghurs, who today number about 11 million. Those policies have led to what the United States and other Western nations have labeled a genocide and crimes against humanity.

“The Baren Uprising was one of the earliest expressions of growing resentment within Uyghur society in the 1990s against the oppressive measures of the Chinese authorities,” said Dolkun Isa, president of the World Uyghur Congress, or WUC, in a statement.

“The Chinese government’s violent crackdown on the protestors signaled a broader escalation in the violence against the Uyghur people, which over the last decades has evolved into genocide.”

China views the April 4 incident as a “counter-revolutionary armed riot” between Uyghur militants and Chinese government forces, incited by the East Turkistan Islamic Party. People linked to the party attacked the government building, kidnapping 10 people, killing six armed police officers, and blowing up two vehicles.

Protests

Hundreds of people demonstrated in front of the Chinese Embassy in Berlin and the Chinese Consulate in Munich, Germany. Dozens of people protested outside the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, and at a commemorative event in Ankara attended by members of two of Turkey’s political parties. 

Uyghurs held another commemorative event in Sweden. Others gathered in the Netherlands, Britain and in Central Asian nations. 

Demonstrators protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul, April 5, 2024, at a rally to call attention to the 34th anniversary of the Baren Massacre. (Arslan Tash for RFA)
Demonstrators protest in front of the Chinese Consulate in Istanbul, April 5, 2024, at a rally to call attention to the 34th anniversary of the Baren Massacre. (Arslan Tash for RFA)

In Washington, about a dozen protesters gathered outside Chinese Embassy on Friday and shouted, “China, stop the Uyghur genocide” and “We want freedom.” 

The rally also featured an iftar —  an evening meal eaten by Muslim families after the daylong fasts during Ramadan — with Uyghur cuisine to highlight the Chinese Communist Party’s persecution of Uyghur Muslims during the Islamic holy month, which runs from March 10 to April 9 this year.

WUC Vice President Zubeyra Shamseden urged the international community to hold the perpetrators of human rights violations against the Uyghurs accountable for their crimes.

Rushan Abbas, executive director of the Campaign for Uyghurs, called the Baren Uprising a vicious example of the Chinese Communist Party’s ruthless tactics attacking the legitimate demands of its people for dignity and basic human rights.”

“It started in Baren when people protested the forced sterilization and forced abortions of Uyghur women,” she told RFA. “Today, they are still continuing with this full-fledged act of genocide.”

Translated by RFA Uyghur. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.

Read the rest of this article here >>> Uyghurs remember 1990 Baren Uprising over China’s forced abortions

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