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China

China and the United States can play a positive-sum game on the CPTPP

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A woman walks in the Central Business District on a hazy morning in Beijing, China, 25 October 2021 (Photo: Reuters/Thomas Peter).

Author: Cai Penghong, Shanghai Institutes for International Studies

China’s application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is prompting domestic and international discussion. People are asking questions about Beijing’s motivations, the obstacles China must overcome before ascension and the entry requirements it must meet to gain membership.

China is serious about joining CPTPP. Its application is the consequence of a long-held policy position. In 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping consulted with then US president Barack Obama on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) during a visit to the United States. Despite some critics then warning that features of the TPP were traps China should avoid, China’s Ministry of Commerce and Ministry of Foreign Affairs then implied China was positively considering TPP entry.

The United States did not respond to this enthusiasm positively. The TPP was a centrepiece of US geopolitical strategy in the Asia Pacific and it was natural for the United States to adopt a sceptical attitude towards China’s inclusion in the initial stages of negotiations. An early research report produced by Peter Petri and others, and delivered by a staff member of the US State Department at a one-and-half track conference at the Peterson International Economics Institute in Washington, was proof of this position: China was to be considered among the last candidates for TPP entry when the Asian Track, which included China, combined with the TPP Track.

Despite this, China has never stopped seeking out FTAs with other countries, as set out in Xi’s 2014 regional economic strategy the ‘19th Group Study of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee Calling for Accelerated Fulfillment of the Free Trade Area Strategy’. China’s application for CPTPP entry is a new milestone in the context of China’s FTA policy. It is not a surprise but rather an outcome of Xi’s decision to actively consider joining the TPP and its successor the CPTPP over the last decade.

China is still confronting some challenges with respect to core CPTPP articles. One is the forced labour issue and how China is to deal with the labour clause (CPTPP Article 19.2), which requires eliminating all forms of forced or compulsory labour. As a signatory to the International Labour Organization, it is necessary for China to accept the fundamental principles of labour rights, irrespective of whether it has signed other international conventions or not. China’s labour policies do not allow for forced labour. One does hear stories of rights violations, like the cases of child labour in some factories. But central and provincial government policy prohibits it.

The second thorny issue China must address relates to digital provisions, in particular, forbidding the forced disclosure of source code (Article 14.17). The issue can be analysed at two levels: at the level of government policy and at the level of commercial operations.

The Chinese government, like some signatories, has already adopted some cybersecurity laws that are in principle consistent with international standards. CPTPP rules on source code are mostly consistent with commercial operations in industries such as banking, healthcare information management, animation and gaming. After China issued regulations on source code some years ago, international banking organisations invested in China and remain there.

For instance, JPMorgan still operates and has been approved in 2021 to fully own its securities ventures in China. China must be paying attention to complaints made by foreign investors because forced disclosure of source code not only amounts to protectionism but also acts as a stumbling block to China’s CPTPP accession.

Perhaps another vulnerable point is the internet. China might need time to completely open the internet window, which it started 25 years ago. But some CPTPP members, like Vietnam, are already inconsistent in their application of relevant rules, requiring that international tech companies conduct their business in line with restrictive cybersecurity laws.

The biggest obstacle for China is the United States. The United States will continue leveraging its geopolitical influence as it renegotiates CPTPP entry. If the United States were to re-join, the current 11 CPTPP members may find it difficult to oppose US revision of CPTPP articles. If the Biden administration would like to renegotiate the CPTPP, members are likely to welcome a US return, despite the few…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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