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Will Biden’s America change course on China and trade?

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Chinese and U.S. flags flutter outside the building of an American company in Beijing, China 21 January 2021 (Photo: Reuters/Tingshu Wang).

Author: Charles R Hankla, Georgia State University

US President Joe Biden’s administration must figure out how to pick up the pieces of former president Donald Trump’s controversial trade policy, especially as it relates to China. Some hope (or perhaps fear) that Biden will return US policy to a reformed version of the pre-Trump days of liberal internationalism, embracing free trade and global economic leadership. Yet an integrated approach between liberal internationalism and populism is more likely.

A liberal internationalist approach would see Biden bring the United States into the Trans-Pacific Partnership — the trade agreement among 12 pacific-rim nations that Trump abandoned in 2017 and has since become the smaller Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. He might also restart momentum towards the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the European Union and negotiate new trade terms with a post-Brexit United Kingdom. He could reinvigorate the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiation process while putting its dispute settlement process on firmer ground.

Biden has signalled that he could embrace a traditional form of liberal internationalism. In 2017, he gave a defence of the liberal international order at Davos and in 2020 he published a paean to US leadership in Foreign Affairs. But Trump has broken the post-war consensus in favour of free trade. The politics of trade has changed, with trade sceptics on the left and right now stronger. This points to the possibility that Biden will continue his predecessor’s populist policies on trade, focussing on protectionism and unilateralism.

The differences between a liberal internationalist and populist policy direction in the United States are stark on China policy. A liberal internationalist Biden would adopt a traditional US approach to China’s rise. He would see China’s growing economy as an opportunity for US business and would hope to manage any threat Beijing might pose by integrating it into international institutions and laws.

Still, Biden may add strategic vision to Trump’s erratic and disorganised trade policy, and he might take a more aggressive position towards perceived unfair Chinese trade practices. For example, he might impose trade penalties for Chinese currency manipulation or violations of intellectual property rights. Biden’s administration may also see trade protection as one of many policy instruments available to punish China for non-trade related behaviours to which it objects. These might include human rights violations against the Uighurs and aggressive behaviour against Taiwan or in the South China Sea.

A recent Carnegie Endowment for International Peace report titled A Foreign Policy for the Middle Class and co-authored by Biden’s national security advisor, Jake Sullivan, may shed some light on the new administration’s plans. It lays out a vision for a more integrated approach to US foreign relations, one which is neither purely liberal internationalist nor purely populist. Biden has endorsed the report and the broad concept of building policy around the interests of regular Americans, however defined.

A ‘foreign policy for the middle class’ aims to consider how any action will affect the lives of most Americans. It intends to build a broad coalition around US foreign policy, prevent swings from internationalism to isolationism and forestall destructive overcommitments such as the war in Iraq. Yet it is unclear what this approach would mean for trade policy and the US–China relationship.

That said, if Biden puts this report and its implications at the centre of his foreign policy, we can predict five areas of change.

First, there will be a more integrated approach to foreign policy. Biden’s administration will view trade policy with China as one portion of the overall US–China relationship, giving consideration to the implications of trade policy on US prosperity broadly.

Second, there will be an open but pragmatic approach to international cooperation on trade. Biden may be more amenable than Trump to signing new trade agreements and deepening old ones. Still, he will not support such agreements simply to solidify US leadership but will prioritise the economic impact of any potential agreement on middle-class voters.

Third, there will be strong demands that any new agreements contain more labour and environmental protections. The influence of the left wing in the Democratic Party, along with the political power of the US rust belt, makes it likely that…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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