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China

The complexities of China–Iran strategic balancing

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China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi shakes hands with Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during a meeting at the Diaoyutai state guest house in Beijing, China, 31 December 2019 (Photo: Reuters/Noel Celis).

Author: Sanam Vakil, Chatham House

China–Iran relations have been the subject of much speculation after a draft of a 25-year partnership agreement was leaked in July 2020. Some analysts have asserted that this deal is a result of US President Donald Trump’s maximum pressure campaign that is forcing Tehran into Beijing’s orbit to survive sanctions and weather the economic storm of COVID-19 and pushing China to abandon its long-standing policy of non-intervention in the Middle East. But the reality is more complex and reflective of the balanced outgrowth of long-standing ties rather than a significant reorientation.

The leaked draft presents a framework for greater Iranian integration into Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The agreement would see China invest US$400 billion into Iran’s oil, gas, petrochemical, transportation and manufacturing industry over a 25-year period in exchange for a discount in oil sales alongside military and strategic engagement.

China’s engagement in the Middle East has grown out of President Xi Jinping’s BRI. The region has benefited from Chinese investment as a strategic gateway and global transit point. China has signed five comprehensive strategic partnerships alongside 12 strategic partnerships with regional states, including Israel, promising strengthened commercial and economic ties.

China–Iran relations were elevated to a comprehensive strategic partnership level in 2016. Iran is considered geographically and strategically essential for the BRI. Bilateral relations are also historical, dating back centuries. Ties have been further strengthened by reciprocal presidential visits in 2014, 2016 and 2018. Discussions on the partnership agreement supposedly began during President Hassan Rouhani’s 2014 visit to Beijing.

Unlike other stakeholders in the region, China’s strategy has been primarily economic — believing that economic gains will bring greater stability to the region. This approach has enabled China to avoid taking sides in regional conflicts and has allowed Beijing to benefit from the US security presence in the region.

China’s increasing influence in the region presents an opportunity for Beijing to fill a vacuum at a time when regional states that have long relied on US security are more anxious about US security commitments.

Regional states have reoriented their energy and commercial trade from West to East over the past two decades. This shift took place due to Asia’s growing energy demand. Prior to the spread of COVID-19, China imported almost half of its energy from the region. In 2016, the Middle East saw the largest inflow of Chinese foreign direct investment.

Arab Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, among others, have benefitted from infrastructure investments in ports, rail links and refineries. Growing synergies in terms of arms sales and the development of an indigenous defence capacity is also in the works. China’s support for Saudi Arabia’s nuclear program is another example of Beijing’s balanced approach in helping Riyadh while also supporting Tehran.

China–Iran ties still remain challenged by Iran’s role in the region, the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and the re-imposition of US nuclear-related sanctions. China was a facilitator and signatory of the nuclear agreement and continues to support the implementation of the deal. China was also an economic beneficiary of the agreement taking advantage of numerous investment projects, including in Iran’s energy and infrastructure sectors. But the US withdrawal from the agreement in 2018 has added a US dimension to China–Iran relations.

The US maximum pressure campaign and sanctions have made Chinese investors cautious about engagement with Tehran. China has also been frustrated by Tehran’s regional activities, nuclear program and interventionist foreign policy that are seen as destabilising and deleterious to Beijing’s economic interests.

While Iran is strategically central to the BRI, it remains to be seen if new levels of commercial activity will strengthen the economic and political dimensions of the relationship. Seeking greater Chinese economic assistance in light of US sanctions, Iran has developed a ‘look East’ policy that has been championed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. As part of this strategy, Tehran has hoped that China will take advantage of lucrative investment opportunities in the absence of Western competition.

China was the largest buyer of Iranian crude oil and has also…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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