China
Will Independent Candidates Light a Fire Under Beijing?
Russell Leigh Moses is a Beijing-based analyst and professor who writes on Chinese politics. He is writing a book on the changing role of power in the Chinese political system. Russell Leigh Moses Party cadres awoke to another firestorm this week. No, it wasn’t Mongolia. That unrest was handled deftly, with the usual dash of force — and more than the normal dollop of promised subsidies to the disaffected. This outbreak was different: Over the past weekend — in an unusual challenge to the Party’s increasingly fierce grip on Chinese politics — roughly 30 activists, scholars and online commentators announced that they planned to run for office as “people’s representatives” to various local legislatures, or People’s Congresses. Many of the aspiring candidates are well known across the blogosphere, and enjoy substantial followings among the attentive public. Their writings are shrewd, with one of the most popular—Li Chengpeng— commenting on his blog recently that the wall in China that separates policy-making from the people is one that might be remodeled by simply putting in a few windows. There is more than a measure of courage here. While any citizen over the age of 18 can technically run to serve in the People’s Congresses, those that are nominated typically have to achieve Party approval. Those who have tried to nominate themselves in the past have rarely had much success in getting very far into the process; many have found themselves on the wrong end of government wrath. Yao Lifa , perhaps the most well-known of the first group of “self-recommended” candidates years back, was successful at gaining entrance in 1998 but was shunted aside in 2003 and has been harassed off-and-on ever since. Such an attempt may be even more treacherous now, because if consensus exists on any one issue within the Party in 2011, it is the need to crack down on opposition movements of any sort, be they ethnic or otherwise. But there is also a good deal of cleverness afoot. None of the self-nominated are violating the election rules simply by announcing their intention to run. And while this is clearly a carefully coordinated campaign, there is no ideological platform — nothing like Charter ’08 to enable officials to easily label this small band as anti-Party instigators and squeeze. In other words, this handful of would-be politicos could be quite a handful for Beijing to cope with. Be it desperation or determination, the campaign has sparked some at the top to weigh in, and with some speed. An essay in the main Party newspaper People’s Daily on Wednesday might well be read as a first reaction from some at the top–a temporary referendum on the issue of elections, candidates and qualification. Ostensibly about the oversight of cadres, the piece is a pastiche of pronouncements about what elections should mean in the wider context of reform, and cites Deng Xiaoping’s famous saying about “crossing the river by feeling for stones.” The implication seems to be that that reform of any sort needs to proceed cautiously, but that nothing needs to be ruled out right now. Appearing in the wake of those bloggers busting out, the commentary has to sound oddly empowering to those who find political experiments more appealing than instantly unsafe. Still, this attempt at a new sort of activism is no reason for conservatives in the Party to panic. Nor should it be seen as a source of too much glee for proponents of political reform. After all, the political handcuffs here have gotten even tighter in recent months. Reformers within the Party are still struggling to find enough leverage to get open discussions about political restructuring underway. And there are more than enough conservatives around who want to make the new slogan of “ social management ” stand for “stability-plus.” This swell of independent candidates may want to stand apart but they need to recognize political realities. Their prospects will depend upon how well reformers can protect them from the fury of conservatives who see any challenge from outside Party ranks as a menace. There might just be enough members of the Communist Party who would like to move away from just fighting the fires of unrest to something more visionary. But this situation could get ugly quickly. It’s going to a be a major challenge for the Communist Party to let the presently disenfranchised participate in the existing processes without everyone fretting that those challenging the current way of doing political business are really out to burn down the house.
Russell Leigh Moses is a Beijing-based analyst and professor who writes on Chinese politics. He is writing a book on the changing role of power in the Chinese political system.
- Russell Leigh Moses
Party cadres awoke to another firestorm this week. No, it wasn’t Mongolia. That unrest was handled deftly, with the usual dash of force — and more than the normal dollop of promised subsidies to the disaffected.
This outbreak was different: Over the past weekend — in an unusual challenge to the Party’s increasingly fierce grip on Chinese politics — roughly 30 activists, scholars and online commentators announced that they planned to run for office as “people’s representatives” to various local legislatures, or People’s Congresses.
Many of the aspiring candidates are well known across the blogosphere, and enjoy substantial followings among the attentive public. Their writings are shrewd, with one of the most popular—Li Chengpeng—commenting on his blog recently that the wall in China that separates policy-making from the people is one that might be remodeled by simply putting in a few windows.
There is more than a measure of courage here. While any citizen over the age of 18 can technically run to serve in the People’s Congresses, those that are nominated typically have to achieve Party approval. Those who have tried to nominate themselves in the past have rarely had much success in getting very far into the process; many have found themselves on the wrong end of government wrath.
Yao Lifa, perhaps the most well-known of the first group of “self-recommended” candidates years back, was successful at gaining entrance in 1998 but was shunted aside in 2003 and has been harassed off-and-on ever since. Such an attempt may be even more treacherous now, because if consensus exists on any one issue within the Party in 2011, it is the need to crack down on opposition movements of any sort, be they ethnic or otherwise.
But there is also a good deal of cleverness afoot. None of the self-nominated are violating the election rules simply by announcing their intention to run. And while this is clearly a carefully coordinated campaign, there is no ideological platform — nothing like Charter ’08 to enable officials to easily label this small band as anti-Party instigators and squeeze.
In other words, this handful of would-be politicos could be quite a handful for Beijing to cope with.
Be it desperation or determination, the campaign has sparked some at the top to weigh in, and with some speed. An essay in the main Party newspaper People’s Daily on Wednesday might well be read as a first reaction from some at the top–a temporary referendum on the issue of elections, candidates and qualification. Ostensibly about the oversight of cadres, the piece is a pastiche of pronouncements about what elections should mean in the wider context of reform, and cites Deng Xiaoping’s famous saying about “crossing the river by feeling for stones.” The implication seems to be that that reform of any sort needs to proceed cautiously, but that nothing needs to be ruled out right now.
Appearing in the wake of those bloggers busting out, the commentary has to sound oddly empowering to those who find political experiments more appealing than instantly unsafe.
Still, this attempt at a new sort of activism is no reason for conservatives in the Party to panic. Nor should it be seen as a source of too much glee for proponents of political reform. After all, the political handcuffs here have gotten even tighter in recent months. Reformers within the Party are still struggling to find enough leverage to get open discussions about political restructuring underway. And there are more than enough conservatives around who want to make the new slogan of “social management” stand for “stability-plus.”
This swell of independent candidates may want to stand apart but they need to recognize political realities. Their prospects will depend upon how well reformers can protect them from the fury of conservatives who see any challenge from outside Party ranks as a menace. There might just be enough members of the Communist Party who would like to move away from just fighting the fires of unrest to something more visionary.
But this situation could get ugly quickly. It’s going to a be a major challenge for the Communist Party to let the presently disenfranchised participate in the existing processes without everyone fretting that those challenging the current way of doing political business are really out to burn down the house.
The restructuring of the economy and resulting efficiency gains have contributed to a more than tenfold increase in GDP since 1978.
The government vowed to continue reforming the economy and emphasized the need to increase domestic consumption in order to make China less dependent on foreign exports for GDP growth in the future.
China is the world’s fastest-growing major economy, with an average growth rate of 10% for the past 30 years.
Nevertheless, key bottlenecks continue to constrain growth.
Technology, labor productivity, and incomes have advanced much more rapidly in industry than in agriculture.
The technological level and quality standards of its industry as a whole are still fairly low, notwithstanding a marked change since 2000, spurred in part by foreign investment.
China’s ongoing economic transformation has had a profound impact not only on China but on the world.
On top of this, foreign direct investment (FDI) this year was set to “surpass $100 billion”, compared to $90 billion last year, ministry officials predicted.
Last year was the eighth consecutive year that the nation’s ODI had grown.
China reiterated the nation’s goals for the next decade – increasing market share of pure-electric and plug-in electric autos, building world-competitive auto makers and parts manufacturers in the energy-efficient auto sector as well as raising fuel-efficiency to world levels.
Although China is still a developing country with a relatively low per capita income, it has experienced tremendous economic growth since the late 1970s.
Despite initial gains in farmers’ incomes in the early 1980s, taxes and fees have increasingly made farming an unprofitable occupation, and because the state owns all land farmers have at times been easily evicted when croplands are sought by developers.
China is the world’s largest producer of rice and wheat and a major producer of sweet potatoes, sorghum, millet, barley, peanuts, corn, soybeans, and potatoes.
Fish and pork supply most of the animal protein in the Chinese diet.
Oil fields discovered in the 1960s and after made China a net exporter, and by the early 1990s, China was the world’s fifth-ranked oil producer.
China’s leading export minerals are tungsten, antimony, tin, magnesium, molybdenum, mercury, manganese, barite, and salt.
In the 1990s a program of share-holding and greater market orientation went into effect; however, state enterprises continue to dominate many key industries in China’s socialist market economy.
Taiyuan and Xi’an are important centers in the less populated interior, and Lanzhou is the key communications junction of the vast northwest.
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Will Independent Candidates Light a Fire Under Beijing?
China
New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024
China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.
Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.
China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.
The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.
In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.
Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
China
Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.
There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.
Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.
A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post.
This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media.
Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.
AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:
“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”
Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.
Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.
Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.
Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
China
Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China
Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.
Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.
Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.
In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.
Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.
Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.
If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.
There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.
This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.
China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.
- New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024
- Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?
- Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China
- China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment
- China deepens engagement with new Indonesian president as top diplomat visits Jakarta
- New Publication: A Guide for Foreign Investors on Navigating China’s New Company Law
