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Trade

Realising an ‘early harvest’ for Australia–India trade

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Wheat is harvested by a combine near Moree, Australia, 27 October 2020 (Photo: Reuters/Jill Gralow).

Author: Dipen Rughani and Natasha Jha Bhaskar, Newland Global Group

Former Australian prime minister and Special Trade Envoy Tony Abbott’s recent visit to India has brought the long-suspended Free Trade agreement (FTA) — officially known as the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) — back into focus.

Both countries began negotiating the FTA in 2011. But after six years of toil, nine rounds of negotiations, and a detailed joint FTA feasibility study, the negotiations were suspended over divided sectoral interests in 2015.

Much has changed since then. China is no longer Australia’s best trading ‘friend’, India is no longer trapped by its historical reservations about Australia, and COVID-19 has spared none. The pandemic has exposed many countries to global supply chain risks, the dangers of export over-dependence and the need for economic diversification.

The appointment of Abbott reflects the Morrison government’s awareness that it will take more than plain economics to make any progress on a trade deal with India. The log-jammed negotiations need a political push by individuals who India believes can restore trust in bilateral ties. Abbott has rapport among India’s political circles because he is credited for concluding Australia’s FTAs with three of Asia’s biggest economies — China, Japan and South Korea.

With respect to the current geopolitical and geoeconomic context, there is growing recognition that expectations about pre-COVID-19 FTAs will not carry over into the post-COVID-19 world. Some countries want to build more insular economies, with a rise in economic nationalism accompanied by debates about decoupling, economic sovereignty and self-reliance.

India is currently reworking its FTA strategy to ensure it achieves economic gains while also securing its domestic interests. New Delhi also wants to offset the losses from exiting the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.

But India’s past FTAs with ASEAN, South Korea and Japan contributed to the further widening of its trade deficit from US$9 billion in 2005 to US$83 billion in 2017. China accounts for over 60 per cent of the deficit, entrenching India’s hesitance towards future FTAs. Out of the five FTAs India has negotiated over the last 11 years, only one has been signed.

India’s latest attempt to revive trade talks with the European Union, United Kingdom, United States and Australia shows it understands that remaining open to global trade determines the degree to which it can attract foreign investment, drive exports, make domestic industries competitive and incentivise other countries to manufacture in India. India aims to represent 5 per cent of the world’s merchandise exports and 7 per cent of global services exports by 2025, up from 1.67 per cent and 3.54 per cent today.

In this context, an ‘early-harvest deal’ between Australia and India is promising and practical. Its prospects depend on how creatively Australia can align its export goals with India’s investment priorities and new export agenda. These prospects have improved due to six factors, all of which highlight the complementarity of the two economies.

First, India needs to embrace the best technology, innovation and R&D to manufacture globally competitive goods and increase its share in global value chains. Australia — a highly globalised economy where trade accounts for 44 per cent of nominal GDP — is an excellent partner for this.

Second, India could identify Australian companies intending to invest in Indian manufacturing by taking advantage of the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme, a program designed to boost domestic manufacturing through subsidies.

Third, sustainability is at the heart of the trade and investment goals of both countries. The success of India’s e-mobility and renewable-energy goals depend on the availability of critical minerals. Australia recently released a list of 24 key critical minerals for which it might become a potential supplier, alongside a list of critical minerals projects in need of foreign investment.

Fourth, Australia’s expertise in the hydrogen industry could align well with India’s National Hydrogen Mission. Canberra’s two-year Hydrogen RD&D International Collaboration Program will support collaboration between Australian and international research organisations, as well as enabling RD&D linkages with partner countries.

Fifth, Australia is a leader in biotech R&D, while India remains the so called ‘pharmacy of the world’. This complementarity boosts the potential for…

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Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Fragmentation in global trade due to the lack of development in multilateral trade rules at the WTO has led to an increase in FTAs. The Appellate Body impasse has further exacerbated fragmentation, requiring a multilateral approach for reform.

Fragmentation in Global Trade

Fragmentation in global trade is not new. With the slow development of multilateral trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO), governments have turned to free trade agreements (FTAs). As of 2023, almost 600 bilateral and regional trade agreements have been notified to the WTO, leading to growing fragmentation in trade rules, business activities, and international relations. But until recently, trade dispute settlements have predominantly remained within the WTO.

Challenges with WTO Dispute Settlement

The demise of the Appellate Body increased fragmentation in both the interpretation and enforcement of trade law. A small number of WTO Members created the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) as a temporary solution, but in its current form, it cannot properly address fragmentation. Since its creation in 2020, the MPIA has only attracted 26 parties, and its rulings have not been consistent with previous decisions made by the Appellate Body, rendering WTO case law increasingly fragmented.

The Path Forward for Global Trade

Maintaining the integrity and predictability of the global trading system while reducing fragmentation requires restoring the WTO’s authority. At the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference in 2022, governments agreed to re-establish a functional dispute settlement system by 2024. Reaching a consensus will be difficult, and negotiations will take time. A critical mass-based, open plurilateral approach provides a viable alternative way to reform the appellate mechanism, as WTO Members are committed to reforming the dispute settlement system.

Source : Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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The WTO’s 13th Ministerial Conference is set to focus on e-commerce transparency, investment facilitation, and admitting new members. However, progress may be hindered by disputes, especially regarding fisheries subsidies.

The World Trade Organisation’s 13th Ministerial Conference

The World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) 13th Ministerial Conference is set to take place in Abu Dhabi on 26–29 February, with expectations of deals on electronic commerce transparency, investment facilitation for development, and the admission of Timor Leste and the Comoros as WTO members. Despite these positive developments, the expectations are relatively modest compared to promises made at the 12th Ministerial Conference, which included addressing fisheries subsidies and restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism by 2024.

Challenges in Dispute Settlement and Agricultural Trade Reform

However, challenges remain, especially in the deadlock of dispute settlement since December 2019 due to a US veto on the appointment of Appellate Body judges. Progress in restoring the dispute settlement mechanism has stalled, and discord continues regarding India’s grain stockholding policy as a potential illegal subsidy. Restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism hinges on addressing US concerns about perceived bias against trade remedies in relation to China’s state subsidies.

Geopolitical Tensions and the Future of Trade Relations

The likelihood of reaching agreements amid geopolitical tensions between Western democracies and China appears slim, with issues surrounding subsidies and global supply chains causing rifts in trade relations. As nations focus on self-reliance within the global value chain, opportunities for trading face obstacles. Advocacy for open markets and addressing protectionist sentiments remains crucial for fostering resilience to external shocks and promoting economic growth.

Source : WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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Vietnam’s economy grew 8% in 2022 but slowed in 2023 due to falling exports and delays in public investments. The economy’s future depends on structural reforms and reducing dependency on foreign investment.

Vietnam’s Economic Roller Coaster

After emerging from COVID-19 with an 8 per cent annual growth rate, Vietnam’s economy took a downturn in the first half of 2023. The drop was attributed to falling exports due to monetary tightening in developed countries and a slow post-pandemic recovery in China.

Trade Performance and Monetary Policy

Exports were down 12 per cent on-year, with the industrial production index showing negative growth early in 2023 but ended with an increase of approximately 1 per cent for the year. Monetary policy was loosened throughout the year, with bank credit growing by 13.5 per cent overall and 1.7 per cent in the last 20 days of 2023.

Challenges and Prospects

Vietnam’s economy suffered from delayed public investments, electricity shortages, and a declining domestic private sector in the last two years. Looking ahead to 2024, economic growth is expected to be in the range of 5.5–6 per cent, but the country faces uncertainties due to geopolitical tensions and global economic conditions.

Source : Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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