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China

Authoritarianism amplified in the Mekong region

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A fisherman travels with his small boat in the Mekong river outside Nong Kai, Thailand, 8 January 2020. (Photo: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun).

Author: Nguyen Khac Giang, Victoria University of Wellington

The Mekong region started 2021 with a blow as the Myanmar military overthrew the country’s democratically elected government. The coup, which ironically happened on the 10th anniversary of Myanmar’s democratisation, cast a grim outlook over the region’s political landscape in 2021, which was also marred by COVID-19 and the great power competition between the United States and China.

The return to military dictatorship in Myanmar is an extreme case, but not the sole incident that marked a sharp authoritarian turn in the region. Thailand, despite ostensibly returning to democracy after the 2019 election, maintains an entrenched authoritarian regime with the increasing use of repressive tactics against protesters and the opposition. Cambodia has also transitioned from competitive to hegemonic authoritarianism with Prime Minister Hun Sen — the longest serving ruler in the world — becoming a king-like leader who recently mandated his son to take over his position in the future.

The region’s two communist regimes, Vietnam and Laos, organised their quinquennial party congresses where the top leaders were selected in early 2021. The results were not encouraging for those who wanted to see greater political change. In Vietnam, the 77-year-old party apparatchik Nguyen Phu Trong broke the two-term limit to become the Communist Party of Vietnam’s general secretary for a third time in a row amid stalled reforms and increasing repression of civil society. Laos promoted the 75-year-old Thongloun Sisoulith to the country’s top post.

Political regression could not have come at a worse time as the region struggled to deal with COVID-19. After a relatively successful 2020, the region was struck hard by the Delta variant which led to millions of infections and over 75,000 deaths. While Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam have fully inoculated at least 65 per cent of their population, Laos struggles to reach 50 per cent. Less than 25 per cent of Myanmar’s population have received two doses.

Lockdown and border closures have also devastated the region’s export-led, labour-intensive and service-oriented economies. Exports bounced back in 2021 due to governments being less willing to apply harsh measures, but this growth was based on the low point of 2020. GDP growth in Thailand and Vietnam, the two economic powerhouses of the Mekong region, is estimated at modest rates of 1 per cent and 2.58 per cent respectively. Home to a young population of 250 million, finding a swift recovery is the region’s most urgent policy target in 2022.

Economic vulnerability and authoritarian tendencies amplify the region’s dilemma in navigating intensifying US–China competition. China continues to be the region’s biggest economic partner, yet its growing political influence and aggression — both on economic and maritime fronts — cause real concerns for some Mekong leaders, who understand that the economic coercion campaign against Australia could be used whenever Beijing wants to ‘teach them a lesson’.

The United States remains the favourite partner. But despite Washington’s support for regional development, particularly its enormous vaccine donations, Mekong capitals question US commitment. Its lacklustre role on the Myanmar issue, the disquiet with Thailand over its eroding democratic situation and the recent arms embargo against Cambodia show anything but effective engagement.

Despite security concerns, Mekong countries need Beijing’s deep pockets to boost their underdeveloped infrastructure and revive their damaged economy. China has used economic leverage to gain influence in Cambodia, secure Laos’ economic overreliance and start rapprochement with Myanmar’s military junta. An overreliance on China in the region poses bleak prospects for democracy. There are already signs of regional regimes learning repressive tactics from China, from the application of cybersecurity laws to the harsh treatment of civil society.

With low vaccination rates — particularly in Laos and Myanmar — and overstretched public health systems, the region remains vulnerable to new variants of COVID-19.

The Myanmar crisis is the biggest security threat to the Mekong region, threatening its own residents as well as creating instability across its borders with the exodus of refugees and a booming drug trade. Geopolitical tensions might escalate and sow division among regional countries, particularly as Cambodia — Beijing’s ‘ironclad brother’ — takes over the…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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