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China

Cambodia is China’s leverage point on ASEAN

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Sailors stand guard near petrol boats at the Cambodian Ream Naval Base, Sihanoukville, Cambodia, 16 July 2019 (Photo:Reuters/Samrang Pring).

Author: Davis Florick, Missouri State University

Chinese interference has negatively impacted Cambodian politics and allowed Prime Minister Hun Sen to lean more fully into authoritarianism. As illiberalism calcifies in Cambodia, the country grows further isolated from the international community — making it further dependent on China and unlikely to escape Beijing’s influence in the short- or medium-term.

Sen has pursued authoritarian methods to maintain political control. During the 2018 parliamentary elections, his Cambodian People’s Party won all 125 seats. In April 2020, Sen used COVID-19 to justify enacting a new law on ‘national security and social order’ that has been used to detain individuals that release information which could be used to disparage the government’s handling of the pandemic.

With each authoritarian step, Sen has further isolated himself from the United States, the European Union, Japan, South Korea and many non-governmental organisations with operations in Cambodia. This has forced Sen to become reliant on China for support. Over the last three decades, whenever Sen had opposition politicians arrested and the international community cut aid, China filled the financial gap. Prior to Sen’s unanimous election victory in 2018, China’s ambassador to Cambodia even attended one of his political rallies to demonstrate support.

From 1994–2014 China provided nearly 44 per cent of Cambodia’s total foreign direct investment. In the last decade, China pledged over US$2 billion worth of foreign investment to Cambodia. Examples of Chinese financial assistance during this period are US$600 million in aid and loans in 2012, US$100 million for defence spending in 2018, US$351 million for a 47 kilometre road in Phnom Penh in 2018, and concessional loans to support a new international airport and a 190 kilometre expressway from Phnom Penh to Cambodia’s coastline.

Cambodia’s debt to China accounts for more than 25 per cent of its GDP, with some estimates placing the figure close to 40 per cent. These loans are generally set at an interest rate of 2–3 per cent. This is in contrast to the zero per cent interest rate loans most bilateral or multilateral creditors offer to developing countries. These loans are often due quicker than loans from multilateral creditors.

Cambodia pays back China in other ways, too. For example, Cambodia has repeatedly undermined ASEAN unity on the South China Sea. China now hopes to complete the South China Sea Code of Conduct on its terms. When Cambodia becomes ASEAN chair in 2022, Beijing will likely attempt to gain favourable treatment. Domestically, Prime Minister Sen violated his own national laws by giving China control over 20 per cent of Cambodia’s coastline in a secret deal to support the Koh Kong port project.

Many of China’s physical capital investments have occurred near Cambodia’s Ream naval base. This facility on the Gulf of Thailand appears to be a focus of China–Cambodia cooperation. Almost half of the base is managed by China. Two facilities the United States helped pay for have been torn down and replaced with new buildings and roads, as well as a potential deep water structure, despite lacking the naval assets that would warrant this capacity. Instead, Cambodian defence ministry officials have said deep water and repair facilities are needed for vessels Ream may host in the future. In response to China’s growing military influence in Cambodia, on 8 December  the US embargoed all arms exports and is restricting dual-use technologies to Cambodia.

Phnom Penh’s willingness to block ASEAN policymaking has alienated Cambodia from some of its most influential regional counterparts and Cambodia’s growing reliance on China risks isolating it further from Southeast Asian states like the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Some officials in the region have suggested that ASEAN cannot continue to function if its rules continue to provide Cambodia with veto authority.

Concerned over Sen’s repression, the European Union let its ‘Everything but Arms’ agreement with Cambodia expire last year. EU tariffs have increased on Cambodian products precisely when Phnom Penh cannot afford it. The US–Cambodia relationship has also suffered due to Cambodia’s poor human rights record and engagement with China.

Beijing now is Phnom Penh’s last resort, giving Sen credibility on the international stage and much needed defence assistance. In return, Cambodia is China’s leverage point inside ASEAN and allows it to press its…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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