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China

The ‘Guyana incident’ and lessons for Taiwan’s international space

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Tri-Service Honour (Honor) Guards raise Taiwan?s national flag in the morning, amidst the spread of the global pandemic disease covid-19, at Liberty Square, in Taipei, Taiwan, on November 15, 2020. With escalated tensions with China and successful containment of the coronavirus, Taiwan?s flag raising ceremony remains unchanged and daily life amongst the general public remains normal (Photo: Reuters/Ceng Shou Yi).

Author: Zhiqun Zhu, Bucknell University

On 4 February 2021, the Taiwanese government announced the establishment of a ‘Taiwan Office’ in Guyana. Within 24 hours, Guyana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared its continued adherence to the ‘one China’ policy and terminated the agreement with Taiwan. Unsurprisingly, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration in Taipei reacted angrily, accusing Beijing of bullying and suppressing Taiwan’s international space.

The ‘Guyana incident’ offers some important lessons.

First, it was the DPP government that botched the deal with Guyana. Officials in Guyana thought the Office would be an unofficial institution to promote trade and economic exchange — Guyana’s Foreign Minister Hugh Todd said in an interview that the ‘economic, trade and investment office’ was set up to create space for cooperation between private organisations. He emphasised that Guyana would maintain diplomatic relations with China and not recognise Taiwan as an independent country. Guyana’s Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo stated that the Taiwan Office was never approved by the Cabinet.

Interestingly, Elizabeth Harper, Permanent Secretary of Guyana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said in an interview that China actually ‘knew’ about Taiwan’s decision to establish an unofficial trade office in Guyana, but did not mention whether China tried to block it.

Taiwan might have been testing the waters in Guyana to see how far it could go before China reacted. If Taipei were a little more low-key, Beijing might not have intervened. After all, China has not opposed Taiwan’s development of economic, trade and cultural relations with other countries, such as the Ma Ying-jeou administration’s signing of a Taiwan–New Zealand free trade agreement in 2013.

But this time Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs publicly announced that Guyana’s ‘Taiwan Office’ had official functions and was equivalent to a ‘representative office’. Pro-independence media called this a ‘diplomatic breakthrough’. Taiwan’s high-profile self-promotion provoked China and embarrassed Guyana.

Second, this incident reflects the expanding China–US rivalry. The US Department of State and the American Institute in Taiwan immediately issued press releases applauding the establishment of the ‘Taiwan Office’ in Guyana after its announcement and encouraging other countries to develop relations with Taiwan. Regardless of whether the United States played a role in establishing the Office, Beijing was obviously alarmed and felt compelled to fight back.

Chinese ambassador to the United States Cui Tiankai noted that the Three Joint Communiqués form the cornerstone of China–US relations. But in recent years, the US Congress has passed legislation in support of Taiwan, including the 2019 TAIPEI Act that assists Taiwan in maintaining and expanding its international presence. As China–US tensions intensified, cross-Strait relations plummeted, and the DPP government became a voluntary pawn in the Trump administration’s confrontation with China.

With the expansion of the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese trade and investment in Latin America and the Caribbean has grown rapidly. The United States, which views the region as its backyard, is becoming worried about China’s increasing influence. In September 2020, former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo became the first high-ranking US official to visit Guyana.

There is no doubt that China–US competition in Latin America will continue. This is further complicated by the fact that Taiwan also wishes to consolidate and expand its presence in the region — of the 15 countries that have formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan, nine are in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Third, cross-Strait relations continue to be stuck in a vicious circle, with no end in sight. When the Kuomintang was in power, Beijing had little issue with Taiwan’s international activities because it had a tacit understanding and mutual trust with Taipei. Now the DPP administration is challenging the ‘one China’ consensus. In Beijing’s view, it must exert pressure on Taipei to maintain the status quo. But the greater the pressure from Beijing, the less willing the DPP is to hold dialogue and compromise. Instead, it is determined to highlight Taiwan’s de facto independence through diplomatic breakthroughs.

Jie Wen-Chieh, former representative of the Republic of China (ROC) in New Zealand, stated that the DPP deliberately created diplomatic setbacks to fan…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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