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Trade

Rethinking India’s economic policy towards Vietnam

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Labourers work at Hung Viet garment export factory, Hung Yen province, Vietnam, 30 December 2020 (Photo: Reuters/Kham).

Author: Kannan Reghunathan Nair, NTU and Phan Xuan Dung, Pacific Forum

Since the upgrade of bilateral relations to a ‘Comprehensive Strategic Partnership’ in 2016, India–Vietnam strategic coordination has continued to deepen — as reflected through increased defence and maritime security cooperation. But New Delhi and Hanoi’s economic ties are lagging behind, limiting their ability to address shared security and strategic concerns raised by China’s economic rise in India’s backyard and maritime assertiveness in the South China Sea.

Vietnam’s efforts to accelerate integration into the global market presents ample opportunities for India–Vietnam economic cooperation. In 2019, Vietnam signed a landmark Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and Investment Protection Agreement with the European Union. Vietnam is also a member of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the signing and negotiation of which Hanoi actively facilitated. During Vietnam’s 2020 ASEAN Chairmanship, the 10 ASEAN member states inked the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) — the world’s largest trade free-trade pact.

Part of the reason why Vietnam seeks to diversify its trade and investment profile is to reduce its economic dependence on China. China is Vietnam’s biggest trading partner with import–export turnover reaching US$133 billion in 2020. Beijing is also Hanoi’s top foreign investor with total investment capital of US$2.4 billion as of November 2020. At the same time, the two countries have long been embroiled in territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea.

Growing anti-China sentiments fuelled by tensions in the South China Sea and the strategic implications of overdependence on China have pushed Hanoi to reach out to alternative economic partners, including India. In a recent meeting with the Indian Ambassador to Vietnam, Pranay Verma, Vietnamese President Nguyen Xuan Phuc encouraged India to welcome imports of Vietnamese agricultural products and to boost investment in Vietnam.

But Vietnam’s bilateral trade figures with India accounted for only US$11.1 billion in the 2020–21 financial year — 12 times smaller than that with China. India’s imports from Vietnam increased from US$2.5 billion in 2015–16 to US$6.1 billion in 2020–21, but the growth rate is trifling in contrast with Hanoi’s trade ties with key ASEAN countries. Conversely, Indian exports to Vietnam have not show consistent growth in the last five years, reaching only US$5 billion in 2020–21.

The magnitude of Indian investment in Vietnam falls behind that of investments from not just China but also other Asian countries like Japan, South Korea and Singapore. Protectionism is also on the rise in India, hindering the prospect of greater economic ties. India is not party to the CPTPP and withdrew from RCEP at the last minute due to concerns over its trade deficit with other RCEP countries.

Meanwhile, through its own institutions — notably the Belt and Road Initiative and the Lancang–Mekong Cooperation — Beijing has strengthened its economic presence not just in Vietnam but also in the wider Mekong region. Through these mechanisms, China consolidates its dominant position as the chief provider of economic goods for the region. This could undermine India and Vietnam’s shared strategic vision of a rules-based South China Sea. Increasingly relying on Chinese aid and investment to fuel internal development, Laos and Cambodia have been reluctant to support Vietnam’s stance on the South China Sea.

While India has taken several steps to promote economic integration with the CLMV countries (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam) through projects such as the India–CLMV Business Conclave and the Mekong–Ganga Cooperation Initiative, overall economic ties remain weak. This is mainly due to the underutilisation of lines of credit and the lack of physical connectivity. To better compete with China, India needs to rethink its economic policy towards Vietnam, as well as mainland Southeast Asia.

India should begin by fast-tracking its review of the ASEAN–India FTA through multilateral dialogues, which in turn will help cover the uneven market access of Indian traders to ASEAN countries. Since its inception in 2010, the ASEAN–India FTA has shown scant results due to the failure of both parties to reduce non-tariff barriers. In 2018, the Vietnamese Ambassador to India Ton Sinh Thanh advocated for updating and reviewing the ASEAN–India FTA to deepen its economic engagement with…

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Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Fragmentation in global trade due to the lack of development in multilateral trade rules at the WTO has led to an increase in FTAs. The Appellate Body impasse has further exacerbated fragmentation, requiring a multilateral approach for reform.

Fragmentation in Global Trade

Fragmentation in global trade is not new. With the slow development of multilateral trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO), governments have turned to free trade agreements (FTAs). As of 2023, almost 600 bilateral and regional trade agreements have been notified to the WTO, leading to growing fragmentation in trade rules, business activities, and international relations. But until recently, trade dispute settlements have predominantly remained within the WTO.

Challenges with WTO Dispute Settlement

The demise of the Appellate Body increased fragmentation in both the interpretation and enforcement of trade law. A small number of WTO Members created the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) as a temporary solution, but in its current form, it cannot properly address fragmentation. Since its creation in 2020, the MPIA has only attracted 26 parties, and its rulings have not been consistent with previous decisions made by the Appellate Body, rendering WTO case law increasingly fragmented.

The Path Forward for Global Trade

Maintaining the integrity and predictability of the global trading system while reducing fragmentation requires restoring the WTO’s authority. At the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference in 2022, governments agreed to re-establish a functional dispute settlement system by 2024. Reaching a consensus will be difficult, and negotiations will take time. A critical mass-based, open plurilateral approach provides a viable alternative way to reform the appellate mechanism, as WTO Members are committed to reforming the dispute settlement system.

Source : Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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The WTO’s 13th Ministerial Conference is set to focus on e-commerce transparency, investment facilitation, and admitting new members. However, progress may be hindered by disputes, especially regarding fisheries subsidies.

The World Trade Organisation’s 13th Ministerial Conference

The World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) 13th Ministerial Conference is set to take place in Abu Dhabi on 26–29 February, with expectations of deals on electronic commerce transparency, investment facilitation for development, and the admission of Timor Leste and the Comoros as WTO members. Despite these positive developments, the expectations are relatively modest compared to promises made at the 12th Ministerial Conference, which included addressing fisheries subsidies and restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism by 2024.

Challenges in Dispute Settlement and Agricultural Trade Reform

However, challenges remain, especially in the deadlock of dispute settlement since December 2019 due to a US veto on the appointment of Appellate Body judges. Progress in restoring the dispute settlement mechanism has stalled, and discord continues regarding India’s grain stockholding policy as a potential illegal subsidy. Restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism hinges on addressing US concerns about perceived bias against trade remedies in relation to China’s state subsidies.

Geopolitical Tensions and the Future of Trade Relations

The likelihood of reaching agreements amid geopolitical tensions between Western democracies and China appears slim, with issues surrounding subsidies and global supply chains causing rifts in trade relations. As nations focus on self-reliance within the global value chain, opportunities for trading face obstacles. Advocacy for open markets and addressing protectionist sentiments remains crucial for fostering resilience to external shocks and promoting economic growth.

Source : WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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Vietnam’s economy grew 8% in 2022 but slowed in 2023 due to falling exports and delays in public investments. The economy’s future depends on structural reforms and reducing dependency on foreign investment.

Vietnam’s Economic Roller Coaster

After emerging from COVID-19 with an 8 per cent annual growth rate, Vietnam’s economy took a downturn in the first half of 2023. The drop was attributed to falling exports due to monetary tightening in developed countries and a slow post-pandemic recovery in China.

Trade Performance and Monetary Policy

Exports were down 12 per cent on-year, with the industrial production index showing negative growth early in 2023 but ended with an increase of approximately 1 per cent for the year. Monetary policy was loosened throughout the year, with bank credit growing by 13.5 per cent overall and 1.7 per cent in the last 20 days of 2023.

Challenges and Prospects

Vietnam’s economy suffered from delayed public investments, electricity shortages, and a declining domestic private sector in the last two years. Looking ahead to 2024, economic growth is expected to be in the range of 5.5–6 per cent, but the country faces uncertainties due to geopolitical tensions and global economic conditions.

Source : Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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