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Trade

Australia takes the scenic route back to normality and a long dry economic gully

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People sit inside a social distancing circle at a city park during lockdown in Sydney, Australia, 22 September 2021 (Photo: Reuters/Loren Elliott).

Author: Editorial Board, ANU

Australia’s experience of the COVID-19 pandemic was, perhaps appropriately, summed up best by a comedian. ‘Australia’, said Celeste Barber in an August social media post, ‘did the hard part easy — and now we’re doing the easy part hard’.

When the pandemic arrived in 2020, Australia’s border was slammed shut and a pre-emptive lockdown was coordinated among the six states and territories that make up the Australian federation, buying them time to increase their test, trace, and isolate capacities. With millions of workers suddenly out of work, the federal government, which oversees the tax and welfare systems, scrambled to put together a wage subsidy scheme and boosted the rate of unemployment benefits.

Australia’s hard-line response was sometimes chaotic and capricious in its administration, but it met its goals even better than expected, eliminating transmission of COVID-19 throughout most of the country. With most Australians living life as normal, economic activity bounced back after a recession in the first half of 2020 — Australia’s first in almost 30 years.

In 2021, Australia was caught largely unvaccinated by the fearsome Delta variant, while still locked into a policy of suppression, if not elimination, of the virus. With its two most populous states, New South Wales and Victoria, in months-long lockdowns to control Delta outbreaks, the economy will be lucky to avoid another recession this year.

Much of the blame can be put on a baffling decision made in Canberra in the name of ‘economic sovereignty’ to delay buying imported mRNA vaccines to supplement stocks of the locally-made AstraZeneca jab. Poor official messaging (and media fear-mongering) gave many Australians an exaggerated sense of the risks of AstraZeneca’s side effects, encouraging them to hold out for imported vaccines which, when they did arrive, were the subject of national maladministration and political fistfights between different jurisdictions.

The tale of Australia’s pandemic response was in some ways quintessentially Australian: governments got the big policy calls right, then stuffed up some critical details through complacency, bureaucratic silliness, and partisan politics. These problems were on display not only in vaccine procurement, but also in some of the absurdities of lockdown enforcement and poor engagement with migrant and Indigenous communities.

At the same time, comparison with the rest of the developed Asia-Pacific provides evidence against Australian exceptionalism. Japan, Taiwan and New Zealand all made mistakes in planning their vaccine rollouts; Singapore was the outlier in that its government immediately saw that vaccine procurement was a problem best solved by throwing money at it.

In any case, Australians have had to take the scenic route towards living with the virus. Thankfully, with supply issues sorted they are now on the way to very high levels of vaccination — perfect timing, all other things being equal, for Prime Minister Scott Morrison and his centre-right Liberal–National coalition, who must face an election by May 2022.

With the pandemic and that election out of the way, whether Australia’s politicians can show leadership in addressing the ‘long-term and structural’ challenges to the country’s economic future is the big question raised by Tom Westland in our lead article this week.

Foremost among these challenges is that ‘the world is transitioning to a post-fossil fuel future and the markets for coal and gas — which together account for around a third of Australian merchandise exports — will decline drastically.’ Making up for the lost revenues from these exports ‘will require a more serious policy framed around global carbon constraints’ — a reality which Prime Minister Morrison, caught between international opprobrium and domestic political incentives to appease climate sceptics, has belatedly begun to acknowledge. The outlook for one of the biggest and most promising markets for new raw materials exports with the growth of the renewables energy economy in China is clouded by an ongoing bilateral diplomatic stoush.

The pandemic has also exposed ‘an inadequate social safety net’ that over the longer term ‘raises the costs of risk taking and entrepreneurialism’ for Australians.

Then there’s the future of Australia’s skilled migration program, a critical ingredient of pre-pandemic growth. Between the pandemic-era anxiety about the jobs market and the renewed spectre of threats from abroad (and especially…

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Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Fragmentation in global trade due to the lack of development in multilateral trade rules at the WTO has led to an increase in FTAs. The Appellate Body impasse has further exacerbated fragmentation, requiring a multilateral approach for reform.

Fragmentation in Global Trade

Fragmentation in global trade is not new. With the slow development of multilateral trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO), governments have turned to free trade agreements (FTAs). As of 2023, almost 600 bilateral and regional trade agreements have been notified to the WTO, leading to growing fragmentation in trade rules, business activities, and international relations. But until recently, trade dispute settlements have predominantly remained within the WTO.

Challenges with WTO Dispute Settlement

The demise of the Appellate Body increased fragmentation in both the interpretation and enforcement of trade law. A small number of WTO Members created the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) as a temporary solution, but in its current form, it cannot properly address fragmentation. Since its creation in 2020, the MPIA has only attracted 26 parties, and its rulings have not been consistent with previous decisions made by the Appellate Body, rendering WTO case law increasingly fragmented.

The Path Forward for Global Trade

Maintaining the integrity and predictability of the global trading system while reducing fragmentation requires restoring the WTO’s authority. At the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference in 2022, governments agreed to re-establish a functional dispute settlement system by 2024. Reaching a consensus will be difficult, and negotiations will take time. A critical mass-based, open plurilateral approach provides a viable alternative way to reform the appellate mechanism, as WTO Members are committed to reforming the dispute settlement system.

Source : Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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The WTO’s 13th Ministerial Conference is set to focus on e-commerce transparency, investment facilitation, and admitting new members. However, progress may be hindered by disputes, especially regarding fisheries subsidies.

The World Trade Organisation’s 13th Ministerial Conference

The World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) 13th Ministerial Conference is set to take place in Abu Dhabi on 26–29 February, with expectations of deals on electronic commerce transparency, investment facilitation for development, and the admission of Timor Leste and the Comoros as WTO members. Despite these positive developments, the expectations are relatively modest compared to promises made at the 12th Ministerial Conference, which included addressing fisheries subsidies and restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism by 2024.

Challenges in Dispute Settlement and Agricultural Trade Reform

However, challenges remain, especially in the deadlock of dispute settlement since December 2019 due to a US veto on the appointment of Appellate Body judges. Progress in restoring the dispute settlement mechanism has stalled, and discord continues regarding India’s grain stockholding policy as a potential illegal subsidy. Restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism hinges on addressing US concerns about perceived bias against trade remedies in relation to China’s state subsidies.

Geopolitical Tensions and the Future of Trade Relations

The likelihood of reaching agreements amid geopolitical tensions between Western democracies and China appears slim, with issues surrounding subsidies and global supply chains causing rifts in trade relations. As nations focus on self-reliance within the global value chain, opportunities for trading face obstacles. Advocacy for open markets and addressing protectionist sentiments remains crucial for fostering resilience to external shocks and promoting economic growth.

Source : WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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Vietnam’s economy grew 8% in 2022 but slowed in 2023 due to falling exports and delays in public investments. The economy’s future depends on structural reforms and reducing dependency on foreign investment.

Vietnam’s Economic Roller Coaster

After emerging from COVID-19 with an 8 per cent annual growth rate, Vietnam’s economy took a downturn in the first half of 2023. The drop was attributed to falling exports due to monetary tightening in developed countries and a slow post-pandemic recovery in China.

Trade Performance and Monetary Policy

Exports were down 12 per cent on-year, with the industrial production index showing negative growth early in 2023 but ended with an increase of approximately 1 per cent for the year. Monetary policy was loosened throughout the year, with bank credit growing by 13.5 per cent overall and 1.7 per cent in the last 20 days of 2023.

Challenges and Prospects

Vietnam’s economy suffered from delayed public investments, electricity shortages, and a declining domestic private sector in the last two years. Looking ahead to 2024, economic growth is expected to be in the range of 5.5–6 per cent, but the country faces uncertainties due to geopolitical tensions and global economic conditions.

Source : Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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