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Trade

Little Britain post-Brexit

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A man holds a dog on a leash with clothes on and a sign on Brexit day in London, Britain, 31 January 2020. (Photo: REUTERS/Henry Nicholls).

Author: Editorial Board, ANU

The United Kingdom has exited the European Union. It has unshackled itself from European regulations and standards and in doing so has put up barriers to commerce and the free movement of people with the major economic bloc on its doorstep.

How much trade, investment and movement of people are to be allowed between the United Kingdom and Europe is yet to be negotiated. And what the British do with their newfound trade-policy and regulatory freedom is far from certain. But the uncertainty around whether Brexit will occur is over and there will be more policy bandwidth to deal with other issues.

If there’s one thing clear in international economics, it’s that gravity matters: distance and size are the strongest determinants of international trade. The closer two countries are, and the larger they are, the more they trade. Pushing against gravity will be the new norm in post-Brexit Britain as it looks afar for new trade and investment links.

The United Kingdom is smaller and weaker because of Brexit and starts negotiating with Brussels with little leverage, no matter what Prime Minister Boris Johnson says.

As David Vines reminds us in this week’s feature piece, ‘Britain wants to continue the unimpeded access to European markets which it possessed in the Single Market’. But this will only be possible if Britain subscribes to ‘the freedoms and standards coming from the Single Market’. The four freedoms are the freedom of movement of all goods, capital, services, and labour. It is difficult to see the European Union allowing Britain to pick and choose the standards and freedoms it wants without compromising the European experiment. Brussels will be careful to avoid setting a precedent for other nationalist, separatist movements across Europe.

What sort of economic agreements London can negotiate with other partners is also far from certain. It is difficult to imagine that a Britain that has shrunk itself away from its huge neighbour is going to be embracing liberal policies and openness.

Negotiating deals with the world’s two largest economies — China and the United States — will be far from easy. The United States is imposing lopsided deals on countries big and small, including damaging provisions outside of the existing rules. In some instances Washington is forcing countries to pick sides. In the new North American trade agreement, the USMCA, Canada and Mexico had to swallow a poison pill provision that says the United States can walk away from the agreement if either start negotiating with a non-market economy (read: China).

Doing a deal with China may be easier but involves agreeing to standards that are not consistent with the other deals on the UK’s agenda. Judging by the debate around the decision to allow Chinese tech-giant Huawei into the UK’s 5G telecoms network, there will be pressure from the United States and within London to limit engagement with China.

How about countries like Australia that are chomping at the bit to do a deal with its old Commonwealth master? The battle lines are becoming clear as farmers in the United Kingdom insist they will resist letting in Australian beef, sugar and lamb. And Australia will be focussed on its deal with the European Union — a much bigger prize. Sentiment and history will not count for much when vested interests dig trenches across the negotiating table.

High on the priority list is to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, minus the United States. Another should be the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement. These agreements are centred in Asia, on the other side of the world. Britain will be competing with a larger Europe that continues to sign major deals in Asia and will be impeded in the battle for markets by distance and lack of size.

Many place trust and hope in a proactive, global Britain after it puts its messy divorce settlement with the European Union behind it. An agile foreign policy and open British economy would inject some much needed leadership into global affairs. But the evidence points towards a Britain that continues its retreat from globalisation and carries much less global weight.

The chances are that Britain continues to look inward except for politically-driven trade deals with like-minded countries on the other side of the world. Little wonder that a once-unthinkable united Ireland is now a possibility. And Scottish independence has regained momentum.

The British people made a huge choice in 2016 to exit the European Union. Delivering that decision…

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Trade

Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Fragmentation in global trade due to the lack of development in multilateral trade rules at the WTO has led to an increase in FTAs. The Appellate Body impasse has further exacerbated fragmentation, requiring a multilateral approach for reform.

Fragmentation in Global Trade

Fragmentation in global trade is not new. With the slow development of multilateral trade rules at the World Trade Organization (WTO), governments have turned to free trade agreements (FTAs). As of 2023, almost 600 bilateral and regional trade agreements have been notified to the WTO, leading to growing fragmentation in trade rules, business activities, and international relations. But until recently, trade dispute settlements have predominantly remained within the WTO.

Challenges with WTO Dispute Settlement

The demise of the Appellate Body increased fragmentation in both the interpretation and enforcement of trade law. A small number of WTO Members created the Multi-Party Interim Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) as a temporary solution, but in its current form, it cannot properly address fragmentation. Since its creation in 2020, the MPIA has only attracted 26 parties, and its rulings have not been consistent with previous decisions made by the Appellate Body, rendering WTO case law increasingly fragmented.

The Path Forward for Global Trade

Maintaining the integrity and predictability of the global trading system while reducing fragmentation requires restoring the WTO’s authority. At the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference in 2022, governments agreed to re-establish a functional dispute settlement system by 2024. Reaching a consensus will be difficult, and negotiations will take time. A critical mass-based, open plurilateral approach provides a viable alternative way to reform the appellate mechanism, as WTO Members are committed to reforming the dispute settlement system.

Source : Fixing fragmentation in the settlement of international trade disputes

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Trade

WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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The WTO’s 13th Ministerial Conference is set to focus on e-commerce transparency, investment facilitation, and admitting new members. However, progress may be hindered by disputes, especially regarding fisheries subsidies.

The World Trade Organisation’s 13th Ministerial Conference

The World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) 13th Ministerial Conference is set to take place in Abu Dhabi on 26–29 February, with expectations of deals on electronic commerce transparency, investment facilitation for development, and the admission of Timor Leste and the Comoros as WTO members. Despite these positive developments, the expectations are relatively modest compared to promises made at the 12th Ministerial Conference, which included addressing fisheries subsidies and restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism by 2024.

Challenges in Dispute Settlement and Agricultural Trade Reform

However, challenges remain, especially in the deadlock of dispute settlement since December 2019 due to a US veto on the appointment of Appellate Body judges. Progress in restoring the dispute settlement mechanism has stalled, and discord continues regarding India’s grain stockholding policy as a potential illegal subsidy. Restoring a fully functioning dispute settlement mechanism hinges on addressing US concerns about perceived bias against trade remedies in relation to China’s state subsidies.

Geopolitical Tensions and the Future of Trade Relations

The likelihood of reaching agreements amid geopolitical tensions between Western democracies and China appears slim, with issues surrounding subsidies and global supply chains causing rifts in trade relations. As nations focus on self-reliance within the global value chain, opportunities for trading face obstacles. Advocacy for open markets and addressing protectionist sentiments remains crucial for fostering resilience to external shocks and promoting economic growth.

Source : WTO ministerial trading in low expectations and high stakes

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Trade

Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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Vietnam’s economy grew 8% in 2022 but slowed in 2023 due to falling exports and delays in public investments. The economy’s future depends on structural reforms and reducing dependency on foreign investment.

Vietnam’s Economic Roller Coaster

After emerging from COVID-19 with an 8 per cent annual growth rate, Vietnam’s economy took a downturn in the first half of 2023. The drop was attributed to falling exports due to monetary tightening in developed countries and a slow post-pandemic recovery in China.

Trade Performance and Monetary Policy

Exports were down 12 per cent on-year, with the industrial production index showing negative growth early in 2023 but ended with an increase of approximately 1 per cent for the year. Monetary policy was loosened throughout the year, with bank credit growing by 13.5 per cent overall and 1.7 per cent in the last 20 days of 2023.

Challenges and Prospects

Vietnam’s economy suffered from delayed public investments, electricity shortages, and a declining domestic private sector in the last two years. Looking ahead to 2024, economic growth is expected to be in the range of 5.5–6 per cent, but the country faces uncertainties due to geopolitical tensions and global economic conditions.

Source : Getting Vietnam’s economic growth back on track

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