China
Australia’s Chinese diaspora faces a representation deficit
Author: Osmond Chiu, Per Capita
Australia’s 2022 federal election marked a turning point in the country’s politics. For the first time, the shifting voting patterns of non-European ethnic minorities — specifically Chinese–Australians — were pivotal to the overall result, as post-election reviews from the centre-left Labor Party and the conservative Liberal Party both acknowledged. While the possibility of a significant swing in the voting patterns of Chinese–Australians was canvassed pre-election, its impact was only taken seriously after the vote.
Yet this increasing focus has not translated into a serious discussion about representation — an important issue for a multicultural society such as Australia, where ongoing underrepresentation signals that structural barriers to equality remain.
Despite having the proportionally largest Chinese diaspora in the Western world, Chinese–Australian representation remains low in Australian politics. While representation at the federal level has improved, it does not mirror the 5.5 per cent of the population who have Chinese ancestry.
This issue is not unique to Australia — similar underrepresentation issues exist in New Zealand and Canada. Many potential explanations have been suggested, such as language, lower levels of political participation and racial bias.
Underrepresentation has consequences for Australia’s policy settings, especially as US–China tensions escalate. Greater diversity delivers better decision-making because ‘group think’ is less likely, different perspectives are included and it forces a more careful consideration of information.
The complexity of issues facing the Chinese diaspora make the perspectives drawn from lived experiences and personal knowledge even more valuable. While those from mainland China constitute a plurality of the Chinese Australian community, this community is far from homogenous. There is a range of opinions — shaped by migration journeys, history, and personal experiences — that reflect the breadth and diversity of the Chinese diaspora in Australia.
A lack of diverse representation leads to one-dimensional perspectives where policy issues associated with China come to be seen simply through the lens of national security and defence. This ignores the potential impacts of a strained Australia–China relationship on Australia’s Chinese diaspora and other unintended domestic consequences. This should not be misconstrued as a suggestion to excuse or downplay the seriousness of human rights abuses by China, surveillance and harassment of diaspora communities on Australian soil and foreign interference concerns.
Attempts to dismiss concerns about the impact of these issues on the Chinese diaspora as ‘hurt feelings’ rather than understanding the genuine fear many Chinese–Australians have has been counterproductive. Their fear arises out of the perceived risk of being the target of distrust and exclusion, or seen as a potential vector of foreign influence simply due to their cultural background or family ties.
It also fuels the perception that Chinese–Australians would be acceptable collateral damage in a conflict. Efforts to deny claims of growing racism during the COVID-19 pandemic by some politicians — because it was seen as a geopolitical tactic by China — was an example of this. Such actions undermine community confidence that Australia genuinely believes in equality and can undermine soft power attempts to emphasise the importance of democratic values internationally.
Research shows that growing racism is far from imagined. The Lowy Institute revealed that over a third of Chinese–Australians were treated differently or less favourably because of their Chinese heritage in 2020 and 2021. Quantitative surveying by the University of Melbourne comparing Australian and US attitudes also found that perceptions of China led to stronger negative feelings towards permanent residents of Chinese heritage in Australia. Polling conducted by the Australia–China Relations Institute in 2022 found that over four in ten respondents thought Australians of Chinese origin could be mobilised by China to undermine Australia’s interests and social cohesion.
No doubt these are complex and challenging issues to navigate, and Australia is not alone in trying to work through them. Comparable Western countries with sizeable Chinese diasporas such as Canada, the United States and New Zealand are experiencing similar debates. But navigating these issues requires a sober focus on policy solutions that are…
China
Navigating Turbulent Waters: Trust Between China and the Philippines
Despite a July 2024 deal ensuring Philippine resupply missions at Second Thomas Shoal, tensions with China persist, marked by confrontations and deep distrust, indicating potential for future conflict escalation.
Ongoing Tensions in the South China Sea
Despite a July 2024 agreement facilitating uninterrupted resupply missions to the contentious Second Thomas Shoal, tensions between China and the Philippines remain significantly high. Increased aerial and naval confrontations in August, compounded by longstanding mutual mistrust, hint at a precarious situation. Both nations are employing legal strategies alongside military maneuvers, while China’s recent maritime regulations and the Philippines’ military modernization efforts suggest a future marked by conflict.
Rising Provocations and Distrust
The situation deteriorated further in June 2024, when Manila accused Chinese forces of intercepting its boats and injuring a sailor. Although the July deal allowed for a resupply mission without incident, broader tensions persisted as China reportedly fired flares dangerously close to Philippine aircraft in August. The incidents at Second Thomas Shoal illustrate the deepening security crisis that has persisted since 2021, as China continues to challenge Philippine resupply efforts.
Potential for Escalation
While the recent agreement may offer temporary relief, it is unlikely to resolve the long-standing maritime disputes in the region comprehensively. The continuing misinterpretations of the deal and the profound distrust between the two nations suggest an ongoing trajectory of escalating tensions. As disputes over competing claims in the South China Sea intensify, the situation at Second Thomas Shoal serves as a volatile flashpoint for future conflicts.
China
Is life getting better for China’s tech billionaires?
Pony Ma, Tencent co-founder, is China’s richest person with over A$65 billion. Despite past crackdowns, his wealth indicates a potential market recovery, while maintaining state control over the economy.
According to the latest Bloomberg Billionaires Index, Pony Ma, co-founder of Tencent Holdings, is once again China’s richest person, now with a net worth of more than A$65 billion, placing him 27th globally.
Close behind him in the rankings are bottled water tycoon Zhong Shanshan, and Zhang Yiming, the main co-founder of tech giant ByteDance, which owns TikTok.
Only a few years ago, China’s ruling Communist Party launched a crackdown on billionaires and other business leaders. Some were publicly jailed. Others simply disappeared from public view.
Ma’s resurgence might seem like a positive signal of a more permissive market environment. But as we watch China’s private sector grow, we should remember it follows China’s unique playbook.
The ascent of Tencent
Ma’s wealth primarily comes from his stake in Tencent, which he co-founded in 1998 with its headquarters in Shenzhen. As China’s economy grew, Tencent became a world-leading internet and technology company.
Tech billionaire Pony Ma at a government meeting in 2018.
Song Fan/AP
Tencent is well-known for QQ and WeChat, which quickly became two of the most popular instant messaging apps in China and connect more than a billion people.
Tencent is also the largest video game vendor in China, with popular games such as “Honour of Kings” and “League of Legends”.
Last month, Tencent released “Black Myth: Wukong”, China’s first-ever “AAA” video game. AAA is a globally recognised gaming industry buzzword that refers to major, high-budget, standalone productions.
The much-hyped game surpassed 10 million sales across platforms within three days of its release, becoming one of China’s most successful games of all time.
The game itself draws on a 16th century Chinese novel called “Journey to the West” and features various Chinese landscapes. Its popularity aligns with Beijing’s ongoing efforts to boost China’s international cultural appeal.
China’s state-owned media outlet Xinhua highly praised the game for “telling Chinese stories with world-class quality” and offering a new way for global players to understand Chinese culture.
Ma’s fortunes reflect his company’s
This official appraisal means a lot. In previous years, Tencent has had a challenging time coping with Beijing’s strict gaming regulations.
In August 2021, China’s video game regulator announced policies to limit online gamers under the age of 18 to only one hour of play on Fridays, weekends and holidays. This was a major blow to China’s gaming industry, including Tencent.
In December 2023, Beijing introduced more legislation aimed at further capping the amount of money and time that could be spent on video games. The announcement resulted in a 12.4% drop in Tencent’s share price. But the company still promised to strictly implement any new regulatory requirements.
The success of ‘Black Myth: Wukong’ reflects an improving outlook for Tencent.
Andy Wong/AP
A cautionary tale
In China, complying with state regulations is important. Another Chinese tech billionaire, Jack Ma, faced the consequences of publicly challenging them.
In 2020, Jack Ma was poised to launch what was set to be the world’s largest initial public offering (IPO), raising about A$50 billion for his financial technology giant, Ant Group.
However, after he gave a speech in Shanghai harshly criticising Chinese financial regulators for outdated rules and excessive intervention, regulators halted the Ant Group IPO.
Citing concerns that Ant Group’s e-finance products encouraged unrestrained borrowing and investment, China ultimately suspended the IPO in late 2020.
Over the following years, Ant and its affiliate company Alibaba were slapped with billions in fines for alleged breaches of financial regulations.
Getting on the front foot
This phase marked a much stricter regulatory posture from China. The tech tycoons had to adapt to a new reality.
In 2021, Pony Ma publicly stressed the importance of tightly regulating internet businesses, including his own. He also proactively volunteered to meet with antitrust authorities.
Tencent downsized by divesting stakes in various sectors, and the government demanded a restructuring of its financial business.
Many of China’s other billionaires heeded lessons from Jack Ma’s troubles at Ant Group.
Alex Plavevski/EPA
The party remains the ultimate authority
China’s economy is a “socialist market economy”. That is, China’s government thinks of the market as a useful tool to achieve socialist objectives.
That doesn’t mean the private sector doesn’t play a huge role, but the government has long been cautious about the emerging market power of oligarchs as a potential threat to the party’s authorities.
Over past decades of reform and opening up, Beijing has been committed to unleashing market forces, encouraging private sector development and modernising its financial institutions. The precondition is that the state should maintain the ultimate authority to regulate and mobilise market resources.
However, its economy has been stubbornly sluggish post-COVID. The clampdown on the private sector has undermined the confidence of many investors and entrepreneurs, which is crucial for restoring China’s economic vitality.
Last year, Beijing introduced a 31-point action plan in response, aiming to make the private economy “bigger, better and stronger”. Hours after its release, Pony Ma publicly praised the government’s move as “encouraging and inspiring”.
Could spring now be coming for China’s private sector? Perhaps, but only on China’s terms.
Remember, market development is always a means for the state to achieve its own ends. This will never be a story of the market growing while the state steps back.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
China
Zhejiang Province Increases Marriage Leave to 13 Days
On September 27, Zhejiang Province expanded marriage leave from 3 to 13 days for legally married employees. The new regulations ensure continued pay and benefits during leave and address demographic challenges by encouraging population growth. Businesses must update internal policies accordingly.
On September 27, the 12th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 14th Zhejiang Provincial People’s Congress approved the Zhejiang Province Marriage Leave Regulations (hereinafter referred to as the “Regulations”), extending the marriage leave to 13 days from three days.
According to the Regulations, employees who legally register their marriage are entitled to 13 days of marriage leave, excluding national statutory holidays and rest days. During the marriage leave, employees’ wages, bonuses, and other benefits will continue to be paid by their employers.
Notably, to ensure a smooth transition between the old and new leave regulations and to minimize disputes following the implementation of the new rules, the Regulations state that employees who registered their marriage within one year before the implementation of the new regulations and have not yet taken their marriage leave will be entitled to the new 13-day leave. Those who have already taken their marriage leave can supplement it according to the new regulations.
Businesses with operations in Zhejiang province are advised to amend their internal leave policies and employee handbook as soon as possible.
The extension of marriage leave in Zhejiang Province is part of a broader effort to support population growth and address demographic challenges. The province has seen some positive effects from its initial fertility support policies, which have helped to slow the sharp decline in birth rates.
*Granted to those who take pre-marital checkups, which involve being checked for any health conditions that will affect childbirth.
| This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
Read the rest of the original article.
- Navigating Turbulent Waters: Trust Between China and the Philippines
- Is life getting better for China’s tech billionaires?
- Zhejiang Province Increases Marriage Leave to 13 Days
- China ETFs Celebrate Beijing’s Stimulus Initiative
- From Bubble Tea to Business Partnerships: Exploring China-ASEAN Trade Integration
- With China seeking AI dominance, Taiwan’s efforts to slow neighbor’s access to advanced chips needs support from the West
