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China

Clarifying US commitments to Taiwan

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Flags of Taiwan and the United States are placed for a meeting in Taipei, Taiwan, 27 March 2018 (Photo: Reuters/Tyrone Siu).

Authors: Samuel Hui and Wang Kai-Chun, Taipei

On 7 July White House Asia tsar Kurt Campbell stated ‘we support a strong unofficial relationship with Taiwan; we do not support Taiwan independence’, drawing an even clearer line on the US position regarding Taiwan. This came after he affirmed in June that the Biden administration is confident in the current framework that governs relations between mainland China, Taiwan and the United States.

At the event in June, Campbell said that the administration ‘still believes the frameworks that have been developed over the last several decades between the United States, Taiwan, and China give us the best framework forward’. He further noted that the administration ‘has [already] emphasised the downsides of adjusting that framework’.

Avril Haines, the US Director of National Intelligence, also viewed Taiwan’s move towards de jure independence as a potential challenge. She argued that ‘already Taiwan is hardening, to some extent, toward independence as they’re watching, essentially, what happened in Hong Kong’. Haines said that such developments would ‘solidify Chinese perceptions that the US is bent on constraining China’s rise if Washington moves towards strategic clarity’.

The concerns described by Haines resonate with critics of US strategic clarity. There are fears that an ‘unconditional promise of US support’ will embolden pro-independence factions in Taiwan, many of whom want to unilaterally change the status quo. Independence fundamentalists are often dismissive of the threat posed by China and overly confident in US support. So the adoption of strategic clarity may limit Washington’s choices in the event of emboldened Taiwanese actions relating to China.

Strategic clarity in the form of unconditional support for Taiwan could tempt radicals towards de jure independence, risking full scale confrontation between the United States and China. Beijing could use the situation to rally the Chinese population against both Taipei and Washington under the banner of Chinese nationalism and increase risks of Chinese challenges to the regional status quo. For Washington, strategic clarity would forces it to be reactive — leaving US policymakers guessing where and when a confrontation might occur in the Taiwan Strait.

Aside from affirming the benefits of maintaining ambiguity, Campbell noted the fact that the United States is entering uncharted territories regarding a ‘new complex coexisting paradigm’ with China where competition and cooperation go hand in hand. Despite Biden’s characterisation of US–China relations as a battle between democracy and autocracy, high-level dialogues have continued.

Former US secretary of state John Kerry still made his trip to China, and Biden still virtually met Chinese President Xi Jinping at the recent US-led climate conference. To foster stability in this unprecedented ‘frenemy’ relationship, Washington figured some existing conflicts, like Afghanistan, must be settled, and some controversies, like Taiwan, should be stabilised.

From a Taiwanese perspective, it’s easy to interpret Washington’s China policy shifts as signs of support for Taiwan. Biden has maintained a tough stance on China, and Biden officials describe relations with Taiwan as ‘rock-solid’. But high ranking officials from China and the United States have started to communicate more frequently than during the Trump era.

On the one hand, Washington’s competitive posture against China has resulted in more hardline statements. But on the other hand, increasing Chinese aggression and the deteriorating power balance between Taiwan and China in the context of a shrinking US military budget also requires US leadership to restore interactions with Beijing and minimise miscommunications.

As the US–China relationship remains unpredictable, Washington’s attention will increasingly turn to Taiwan. But such focus does not necessarily imply unconditional support for Taipei. Such attention might instead be a way of compensating for a lack of confidence in US military deterrence without significantly provoking the Chinese, a policy which calls for a more cautious approach to the island deemed ‘the most dangerous place on earth’.

US support might be another part of managing the tilting power balance between Beijing and Washington — not as a political gesture or blind pass for Taiwanese actions. Washington supports Taiwan insofar as failing to do so threatens US interests — not just because it is a proud democratic…

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

Read the rest of this article here >>> Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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