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China

No simple solution to China’s dominance in Cambodia

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Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen chats with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang during a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China, 22 January, 2019 (Photo: Ng Han Guan/Pool via Reuters).

Author: Heimkhemra Suy, Phnom Penh

The origin of Cambodia–China ties can be traced back to the 13th century when a Chinese diplomat visited Angkor Wat, yet it is only in the last decade that the relationship has strengthened dramatically.

This China–Cambodia marriage of convenience presents both opportunities and challenges for Cambodia.

The country attracted US$3.6 billion in foreign direct investment in 2019, of which 43 per cent came from China. That year, bilateral trade between the two countries reached US$9 billion. China has financed around 70 per cent of Cambodia’s much-needed roads and bridges — by 2017, Cambodia had received US$4.2 billion in Chinese grants and loans. China also promised to deliver 4 billion RMB (US$588 million) in aid between 2019–2021. And Chinese investors support Cambodia’s garment industry, which represents 15 per cent of its 2019 GDP through export earnings, and generates 750,000 jobs. Also, as part of its coronavirus diplomacy, China has supported Cambodia by sending medical supplies to Cambodia, with Chinese President Xi Jinping describing Sino-Khmer relations ‘unbreakable’.

Cambodia’s options for foreign engagement are constrained by its weak soft and hard power, as well as the CPP’s pressing need for international political support. Cambodia seeks political support from China, partly to counterbalance Thailand and Vietnam. Support from China is increasingly important for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) in light of growing criticism of the Party from the West.

Reliance on China alone is presenting diplomatic challenges. In 2009 for instance, at China’s request, Cambodia deported 20 Uyghur asylum seekers to China despite international outcry. In 2012, Cambodia blocked ASEAN from issuing a joint communique on China’s aggression in the South China Sea. These moves have pressured Cambodia’s relationship with fellow ASEAN member states and damaged its diplomatic credibility. Recently an ex-diplomat from Singapore even called for ASEAN to revoke Cambodian membership.

Overdependence on China could drive Cambodia into Beijing’s sphere of influence, changing the dynamic of Cambodia’s national security. The Wall Street Journal reported an alleged secret deal allowing China to station forces at Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base, potentially placing Cambodia in an uncomfortable position vis-a-vis its neighbours, especially Vietnam.

Meanwhile, overreliance on Chinese credit means Cambodia is exposed to concentration risks as well as the risk of getting caught in a debt trap. By 2018, Cambodia’s external public debt had reached US$7 billion, half owed to China. The debt could allow Beijing to pressure Cambodia into leasing out strategic facilities, such as the deep-water port at Sihanoukville. The location is a precious ‘pearl’ among China’s ‘string of pearls’, situated in the centre of mainland Southeast Asia. It provides a base for China to project maritime power into the Gulf of Thailand and the Straits of Malacca in a counterbalance to the United States and others.

Cambodia does supply China with food, crude oil and other mineral resources. And while Chinese firms in Cambodia generate some jobs, limited interaction with domestic companies means there are few opportunities for skill development among Cambodian workers. This makes China-dominated industries in Cambodia such as garment manufacturing fragile and unsustainable. Considerable Chinese investments have gone into casinos and real estate, where the benefits are largely exclusive to some privileged sections of Cambodian society.

Chinese aid and investment in Cambodia unfortunately lacks transparency and accountability, which can contribute to widespread corruption, malpractice and environmental degradation. China’s Union Development Group reportedly cleared 36,000 hectares of forest in Cambodia’s largest national park, Botum Sakor, for development. And half of the 4.6 million hectares of Cambodia’s land concessions were granted to Chinese firms.

Chinese investment should be welcome. Economic support from China is fast, stable and plentiful, allowing Cambodia to rapidly embark on much-needed structural reforms to reduce energy costs and enhance infrastructure. High electricity costs diminish Cambodia’s competitiveness and imposes a heavy financial burden on low-income families — only 19 per cent of households in rural areas have electricity access. Now supplying 47 per cent of Cambodia’s domestic energy, China-financed hydropower plants not only help tackle…

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment

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China unveiled a comprehensive action plan for upgrading industrial equipment, with a focus on driving technological innovation and economic growth. The plan, released on April 9, 2024, aims to enhance competitiveness and sustainability within the manufacturing sector through extensive investment and regulatory support.


China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.

On April 9, 2024, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) and six other departments jointly released a notice introducing the Implementation Plan for Promoting Equipment Renewal in the Industrial Sector (hereafter referred to as the “action plan”).

Finalized earlier on March 23, 2024, this comprehensive action plan addresses critical issues related to technological innovation and economic development. It reflects China’s proactive stance in enhancing competitiveness and sustainability within its manufacturing sector. The initiative underscores the recognition of industrial equipment upgrading as a top policy priority.

The scope of China’s action plan to upgrade industrial equipment in manufacturing, is extensive, covering various aspects such as:

In line with China’s ambitious goals for industrial modernization and sustainable development, the action plan outlines several key objectives aimed at driving substantial advancements in the industrial sector by 2027.

These objectives encompass a wide range of areas, from increasing investment to enhancing digitalization and promoting innovation, including:

The objectives and key actions proposed in the action plan are summarized below.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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