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China

Adapting to Hong Kong’s grim reality

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The Chinese and Hong Kong flags flutter at the office of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, 3 June 2020 (Photo: Reuters/Carlos Garcia Rawlins).

Author: Mark S. Cogan, Kansai Gaidai University

Hong Kong residents are scrambling to pick up the pieces after the implementation of the draconian national security law of 30 June 2020. As China’s new Iron Curtain descended around Hong Kong, pro-democracy activists either fled or were arrested, including media tycoon Jimmy Lai and Demosisto co-founder Agnes Chow. What are the implications of Hong Kong’s gradual but dramatic autocratic transformation?

 

 

For China, national trauma helps explain the desire to implement this new law. President Xi Jinping’s ‘Chinese dream’ speech delivered after visiting the ‘Road of Rejuvenation’ exhibit in 2012 was illustrative of the national effort to reclaim what was lost from a series of national humiliations, including the Opium Wars, which led to the century-long lease of Hong Kong to the British, and the 1937 Nanking Massacre at the hands of the Japanese. These events form part of the ‘humiliation discourse’ that facilitates China’s preoccupation with hastening Hong Kong’s full return.

After the Sino-British Joint Declaration sealed Hong Kong’s stepped return, China immediately began to undermine it. China claims that the British have no sovereignty over or ‘moral obligation’ to Hong Kong beyond the 1997 handover. Beijing slowly went to work reintegrating the city beyond the scope of the declaration via political and judicial interference.

Hong Kong’s separate identity has played a role. The city became a haven for refugees after communists seized power in China in 1949. As decades passed, generations of Hong Kongers experienced little exposure to the mainland until its reopening from the 1970s. This created a distinct Hong Kong identity, based on capitalism, economic development and connection to the West.

This connectivity created an aura of superiority in Hong Kong. With the handover, anxiety and uncertainty gave way to localism and a distinct ‘peripheral nationalism’. Extreme varieties of localism became decidedly anti-mainland, voicing opposition to the influences of Beijing and placing a greater emphasis on self-determination, democratisation and independence.

China responded to Hong Kong’s expression of identity and growing nationalism by a carrot and stick approach. When attempts in 2003 to pass a national security bill failed due to overwhelming public opposition, China attempted softer approaches, such as the construction of the Hong Kong–Zhuhai–Macau Bridge link to mainland China. Hundreds of thousands of mainland Chinese now easily cross into Hong Kong. China also began advocating the cultivation of a national identity for Hong Kong and a greater connection to Chinese history.

Beijing became frustrated with not being able to implement the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance amendment bill, pursued by Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam. The law would have authorised the Hong Kong government to extradite criminal suspects to mainland China. The proposed legislation drew hundreds of thousands into the streets, presenting Xi with a serious challenge.

China portrayed protesters as separatists and accused Western powers of supporting their efforts. This inhospitable environment likely prompted Beijing to explore more dramatic means. China felt constrained by two important factors: the likelihood of additional chaos which would cause further embarrassment to Beijing and legislative elections that were set for September 2020. Without intervention, Hong Kong’s burgeoning democracy movement could have gained additional seats that would block future attempts to pass similar national security legislation.

Learning how to adapt to the new political environment today is complicated. Initial Western reactions were predictable. The European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning China and suggested that the European Union use its economic leverage to challenge China’s crackdown, while urging the passage of Magnitsky-style sanctions on Beijing. The United States ended preferential economic treatment for Hong Kong, and the United Kingdom announced a path to full citizenship for Hong Kong’s remaining pre-handover British National Overseas passport holders.

For China, the future is seated in the narratives of the past. Xi’s pursuit to reclaim lost prestige and control of lost territories by expanding China’s sphere of influence is relentless — evidenced by Beijing’s ongoing actions in the South China Sea.

The United States cannot base its responses on sanctions. States are willing to bear the brunt of sanctions and…

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment

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China unveiled a comprehensive action plan for upgrading industrial equipment, with a focus on driving technological innovation and economic growth. The plan, released on April 9, 2024, aims to enhance competitiveness and sustainability within the manufacturing sector through extensive investment and regulatory support.


China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.

On April 9, 2024, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) and six other departments jointly released a notice introducing the Implementation Plan for Promoting Equipment Renewal in the Industrial Sector (hereafter referred to as the “action plan”).

Finalized earlier on March 23, 2024, this comprehensive action plan addresses critical issues related to technological innovation and economic development. It reflects China’s proactive stance in enhancing competitiveness and sustainability within its manufacturing sector. The initiative underscores the recognition of industrial equipment upgrading as a top policy priority.

The scope of China’s action plan to upgrade industrial equipment in manufacturing, is extensive, covering various aspects such as:

In line with China’s ambitious goals for industrial modernization and sustainable development, the action plan outlines several key objectives aimed at driving substantial advancements in the industrial sector by 2027.

These objectives encompass a wide range of areas, from increasing investment to enhancing digitalization and promoting innovation, including:

The objectives and key actions proposed in the action plan are summarized below.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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