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China

How the coronavirus complicates the US–Philippine alliance

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Philippine Army personnel unload relief goods to be transported to regions affected by Typhoon Bopha, from the Marine Corps KC-130J Hercules aircraft inside the International Airport in Davao, Mindanao 15 December, 2012 (Photo: Reuters/John Javellana).

Author: Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby, De La Salle University

In February, Philippine Senator Ronald ‘Bato’ dela Rosa’s tourist visa to the United States was revoked. Dela Rosa, a key ally of President Rodrigo Duterte, was also the architect of the administration’s war on drugs when he was the chief of the Philippine National Police. This move prompted Duterte to terminate the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the United States. The revocation of Dela Rosa’s tourist visa was the proverbial straw that broke the camel’s back.

Founded on the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty, the US–Philippine alliance now seems to lie in shreds. But this is not the first time that the alliance has had its raison d’etre challenged. In 1992, the Philippine Senate voted to close two US military bases — the Clark Air Base and the Subic Bay Naval Base. But China’s seizure of Mischief Reef in 1995, coupled with the brewing insurgency in Mindanao, underscored the need for the Philippines to develop its security capabilities.

Under the veil of uncertainty in the post-Cold War era, the VFA was ratified in 1999 and allowed US military personnel temporary access to the country. The agreement reinvigorated the alliance through cooperative measures in the areas of counterterrorism, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and humanitarian and disaster relief. The most significant changes brought about by US–Philippine cooperation were instilling civil engagement and bolstering professional norms within the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

By 2012, China’s assertive moves in the South China Sea challenged US commitments towards its treaty ally. The Scarborough Shoal incident formed the strategic backdrop for the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Arrangement in 2014. Duterte’s assumption of the presidency in 2016 was a game changer not least because of his anti-US stance and his pursuit of an ‘independent foreign policy’, which resonated strongly amidst perceptions of an overdependence on the United States.

It is no wonder that a tourist visa issue could push the alliance over the edge. While there is reason to believe that regaining balance is inevitable despite the current crisis, the story is not that simple. There are three factors that could complicate the movement back to equilibrium.

The first factor is the coronavirus pandemic and its impact on US-China relations. Initially reported in Wuhan, China, the outbreak quickly spread as millions of residents were able to leave the city before the lockdown took effect. Over 2,400,000 cases and 169,000 deaths have been reported globally and other countries have implemented lockdowns as well.

The economic costs of the pandemic are massive. The lockdowns mean travel restrictions for hundreds of millions of people. The hardest hit sectors are tourism, hospitality, entertainment and energy with a combined estimated loss of US$143 billion in China alone. Manufacturing has also been hit. This supply-chain disruption means export demand has fallen significantly, which could cause China’s annual growth rate to slow considerably. Shipping and port operations are similarly impacted.

Economic costs aside, the Chinese government has shifted the internal narrative from a ‘people’s war’ against the disease to the argument that while the virus was first discovered in China, it need not have necessarily originated there. Still, China’s ability to bring daily new cases to single digits in mid-March implies that it can be an essential player in the road to global recovery.

How China recovers from this pandemic will redefine its identity as an emerging power and its relationship with the United States.

The second factor that complicates US–Philippine alliance politics is the role of the United States in an evolving global environment. As it confronts the fact that it is now no longer the only great power and becomes more focused on domestic issues, the United States may consider letting go of some of its alliances. This is especially a risk with President Donald Trump at the helm and the 2020 elections coming up.

Another layer of complexity is how the United States can manage risks amid the uncertainty caused by the pandemic. The supply-side shocks in China are now complemented by demand-side factors at the global level. There are now over 720,000 cases in the United States with deaths at around 37,000. The US stock market has performed at its worst since the global financial crisis.

The third factor that complicates the US–Philippines alliance stems from domestic…

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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China Unveils Plan to Upgrade Industrial Equipment

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China unveiled a comprehensive action plan for upgrading industrial equipment, with a focus on driving technological innovation and economic growth. The plan, released on April 9, 2024, aims to enhance competitiveness and sustainability within the manufacturing sector through extensive investment and regulatory support.


China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.

On April 9, 2024, China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) and six other departments jointly released a notice introducing the Implementation Plan for Promoting Equipment Renewal in the Industrial Sector (hereafter referred to as the “action plan”).

Finalized earlier on March 23, 2024, this comprehensive action plan addresses critical issues related to technological innovation and economic development. It reflects China’s proactive stance in enhancing competitiveness and sustainability within its manufacturing sector. The initiative underscores the recognition of industrial equipment upgrading as a top policy priority.

The scope of China’s action plan to upgrade industrial equipment in manufacturing, is extensive, covering various aspects such as:

In line with China’s ambitious goals for industrial modernization and sustainable development, the action plan outlines several key objectives aimed at driving substantial advancements in the industrial sector by 2027.

These objectives encompass a wide range of areas, from increasing investment to enhancing digitalization and promoting innovation, including:

The objectives and key actions proposed in the action plan are summarized below.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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