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Sri Lanka’s foreign policy in a new Rajapaksa era

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Sri Lanka

Author: Nilanthi Samaranayake, CNA

The return of the Rajapaksa family to the leadership of Sri Lanka raises questions about how the country’s foreign policy approaches to India, China and the United States may change. Media reporting immediately after the 16 November election expressed apprehension about Sri Lanka returning to China’s orbit after a presidential campaign marked by strong anti-US sentiment. Now that the Rajapaksas have reclaimed both the presidency and prime ministership, what direction will Sri Lanka’s foreign policy take?

After being sworn in as president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa switched to English in his inaugural speech to reinforce Sri Lanka’s traditional articulation of its foreign policy approach: ‘We want to remain neutral in our foreign relations and stay out of any conflicts amongst the world powers’. The idea that Sri Lanka can swing toward a pro-India or a pro-China disposition with a change of leadership belies the constraints on smaller South Asian states in a region that is still dominated by India and increasingly contested by China — and where other major powers such as the United States and Japan play critical roles.

These smaller states do not have the luxury of choosing exclusive relations with one country when pursuing national development goals. This is especially the case with Sri Lanka, which is currently facing the perils of the ‘middle-income trap’ (rather than a ‘Chinese debt trap’). As it has graduated in income status, the country has lost access to concessional assistance. Sri Lanka relied on debt financing during earlier Rajapaksa governments as well as under the outgoing administration.

During the first Rajapaksa era (2005–2015), Sri Lanka maintained close operational cooperation with India in wartime. Following the end of the civil war in 2009, the Rajapaksa government established a bilateral defence dialogue with India in 2012 that continued under the successive leadership and signed a contract for an Indian shipyard to build offshore patrol vessels for the Sri Lanka Navy.

Yet ties plummeted after Sri Lanka allowed a Chinese submarine to pay two visits to Colombo Port in 2014. The country welcomes most warships stopping to rest and refuel in the central Indian Ocean, but its decision to permit a Chinese submarine to do so was viewed by India’s new Narendra Modi government — with which bilateral ties had improved — as a challenge to India.

Another major source of tension between India and Sri Lanka, particularly during the Manmohan Singh administration, was the treatment of ethnic minorities. The Rajapaksa government will need to set a tone of domestic inclusiveness as it considers foreign policy toward India. New Delhi will be alert to this issue given India’s sizable Tamil population.

The United States remains Sri Lanka’s top exporting partner, providing vital income for the economically challenged nation with a debt-to-GDP ratio of 83 per cent. To what extent will Washington leverage its economic position to encourage the new government to focus on post-war reconciliation and accountability? This remains an open question under the current US administration, but the previous Obama administration made human rights a priority in its Sri Lanka policy during the Rajapaksa years.

More recently, strategic issues, such as concluding a Status of Forces Agreement to give rights to visiting US military personnel, have gained increased prominence. To India’s dismay, the previous Rajapaksa government concluded an Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement with the United States, illustrating Sri Lanka’s foreign policy tradition of maintaining strategic ties with various major powers.

Sri Lanka’s interactions with China will continue to be the most scrutinised of the country’s bilateral relationships. Despite predictions to the contrary, the outgoing coalition government did not depart significantly from the direction of Rajapaksa-era policies toward China. This includes its decision to negotiate a 99-year lease of Hambantota port operations to a Chinese-majority joint venture as well as the transfer of the offshore patrol vessel SLNS Parakramabahu from China.

The new Rajapaksa government could benefit from US assistance under the Indo-Pacific Strategy’s Infrastructure Transaction and Assistance Network, Transaction Advisory Fund and Commercial Law Development Program to fulfil its campaign pledge to revisit the lease for Hambantota Port. In his first interview as president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa affirmed his desire to renegotiate

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New Report from Dezan Shira & Associates: China Takes the Lead in Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024

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China has been the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 years, producing one-third of global manufacturing output. In the Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024, China ranks highest among eight emerging countries in the region. Challenges for these countries include global demand disparities affecting industrial output and export orders.


Known as the “World’s Factory”, China has held the title of the world’s largest manufacturer for 14 consecutive years, starting from 2010. Its factories churn out approximately one-third of the global manufacturing output, a testament to its industrial might and capacity.

China’s dominant role as the world’s sole manufacturing power is reaffirmed in Dezan Shira & Associates’ Emerging Asia Manufacturing Index 2024 report (“EAMI 2024”), in which China secures the top spot among eight emerging countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The other seven economies are India, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, and Bangladesh.

The EAMI 2024 aims to assess the potential of these eight economies, navigate the risks, and pinpoint specific factors affecting the manufacturing landscape.

In this article, we delve into the key findings of the EAMI 2024 report and navigate China’s advantages and disadvantages in the manufacturing sector, placing them within the Asia-Pacific comparative context.

Emerging Asia countries face various challenges, especially in the current phase of increased volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). One notable challenge is the impact of global demand disparities on the manufacturing sector, affecting industrial output and export orders.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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Is journalist Vicky Xu preparing to return to China?

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Chinese social media influencers have recently claimed that prominent Chinese-born Australian journalist Vicky Xu had posted a message saying she planned to return to China.

There is no evidence for this. The source did not provide evidence to support the claim, and Xu herself later confirmed to AFCL that she has no such plans.

Currently working as an analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, Xu has previously written for both the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, or ABC, and The New York Times.

A Chinese language netizen on X initially claimed on March 31 that the changing geopolitical relations between Sydney and Beijing had caused Xu to become an expendable asset and that she had posted a message expressing a strong desire to return to China. An illegible, blurred photo of the supposed message accompanied the post. 

This claim was retweeted by a widely followed influencer on the popular Chinese social media site Weibo one day later, who additionally commented that Xu was a “traitor” who had been abandoned by Australian media. 

Rumors surfaced on X and Weibo at the end of March that Vicky Xu – a Chinese-born Australian journalist who exposed forced labor in Xinjiang – was returning to China after becoming an “outcast” in Australia. (Screenshots / X & Weibo)

Following the publication of an ASPI article in 2021 which exposed forced labor conditions in Xinjiang co-authored by Xu, the journalist was labeled “morally bankrupt” and “anti-China” by the Chinese state owned media outlet Global Times and subjected to an influx of threatening messages and digital abuse, eventually forcing her to temporarily close several of her social media accounts.

AFCL found that neither Xu’s active X nor LinkedIn account has any mention of her supposed return to China, and received the following response from Xu herself about the rumor:

“I can confirm that I don’t have plans to go back to China. I think if I do go back I’ll most definitely be detained or imprisoned – so the only career I’ll be having is probably going to be prison labor or something like that, which wouldn’t be ideal.”

Neither a keyword search nor reverse image search on the photo attached to the original X post turned up any text from Xu supporting the netizens’ claims.

Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Shen Ke and Malcolm Foster.

Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

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Guide for Foreign Residents: Obtaining a Certificate of No Criminal Record in China

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Foreign residents in China can request a criminal record check from their local security bureau. This certificate may be required for visa applications or job opportunities. Requirements and procedures vary by city. In Shanghai, foreigners must have lived there for 180 days with a valid visa to obtain the certificate.


Foreign residents living in China can request a criminal record check from the local security bureau in the city in which they have lived for at least 180 days. Certificates of no criminal record may be required for people leaving China, or those who are starting a new position in China and applying for a new visa or residence permit. Taking Shanghai as an example, we outline the requirements for obtaining a China criminal record check.

Securing a Certificate of No Criminal Record, often referred to as a criminal record or criminal background check, is a crucial step for various employment opportunities, as well as visa applications and residency permits in China. Nevertheless, navigating the process can be a daunting task due to bureaucratic procedures and language barriers.

In this article, we use Shanghai as an example to explore the essential information and steps required to successfully obtain a no-criminal record check. Requirements and procedures may differ in other cities and counties in China.

Note that foreigners who are not currently living in China and need a criminal record check to apply for a Chinese visa must obtain the certificate from their country of residence or nationality, and have it notarized by a Chinese embassy or consulate in that country.

Foreigners who have a valid residence permit and have lived in Shanghai for at least 180 days can request a criminal record check in the city. This means that the applicant will also need to currently have a work, study, or other form of visa or stay permit that allows them to live in China long-term.

If a foreigner has lived in another part of China and is planning to or has recently moved to Shanghai, they will need to request a criminal record check in the place where they previously spent at least 180 days.

There are two steps to obtaining a criminal record certificate in Shanghai: requesting the criminal record check from the Public Security Bureau (PSB) and getting the resulting Certificate of No Criminal Record notarized by an authorized notary agency.

This article is republished from China Briefing. Read the rest of the original article.

China Briefing is written and produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The practice assists foreign investors into China and has done since 1992 through offices in Beijing, Tianjin, Dalian, Qingdao, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Ningbo, Suzhou, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Zhongshan, Shenzhen, and Hong Kong. Please contact the firm for assistance in China at china@dezshira.com.

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